scholarly journals Income distribution, productive structure and growth in South America

2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Amitrano

Between 2003 and 2012, South American economies experienced a period of relatively high growth rates. That performance was accompanied by considerable improvements in income distribution and poverty indicators. Nonetheless, structural heterogeneity remained one of the central characteristics of these economies. The aim of this paper is to analyze the role income distribution and the productive structure played in the economic growth of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela, for the period between 1990 and 2012.

Author(s):  
Harish C. Chandan

Religion can influence economic growth and economic growth can influence religiosity (Barro & Mitchell, 2004; Barro & McCleary, 2003; McCleary, 2007). Earlier, Weber (1904, 1930, 1958) had suggested that the protestant work ethic gave rise to capitalism and that other major world religions including Catholicism, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism were not conducive to capitalism. However, the data on predicted growth rates and the current majority religion for the 24 emerging economies (Yeyati & Williams, 2012; IMF WEO, 2010) suggest these emerging economies with high growth rates include a variety of geo-political regions representing many different religions, national cultures, and even “no-religion” affiliation. For the same majority religion, the economic growth rates and Hofstede’s (1980) national culture dimensions vary among nations. Thus, religion alone is not sufficient to explain the higher economic growth of the emerging economies. The economic growth is influenced by additional social, political, and macroeconomic variables including human capital, infrastructure, technological progress, political stability, capital formation, domestic credit to private sector, foreign domestic investment, inflation rate, exchange rate, and international trade. In a secular sense, the religious beliefs and cultural values related to work and social ethic are conducive to economic growth through entrepreneurship and organizational effectiveness.


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4I-II) ◽  
pp. 931-944
Author(s):  
Syed Kalim Hyder ◽  
Qazi Masood Ahmed ◽  
Haroon Jamal

The traditional notion that has influenced the development thinking for almost half a century is that economic growth is fundamental to the development process, and that the objective of poverty reduction can only be achieved by allowing the benefits of growth to ultimately trickle down to the poor. The „primacy of growth‟ paradigm is based on the premise that high growth, through high investment, would lead to higher employment and higher wages, and thereby reducing poverty. The „trickle-down‟ paradigm assumes that the benefits of economic growth would, in the first round, accrue to the upper income groups, and the ensuing consumption expenditures of these households would, in subsequent rounds, accrue incomes to relatively lower income households. Importance of equity consideration in poverty alleviation efforts has been brought out of the cold and now has re-entered the mainstream development policy agenda in many developing countries. This is the consequence of a deep-rooted disillusionment with the development paradigm which placed exclusive emphasis on the pursuit of growth. During 1990s, the proliferation of quality data on income distribution from a number of countries has allowed rigorous empirical testing of standing debates on the relative importance of growth and redistribution in poverty reduction. While the debate is still inconclusive, the majority of development economists emphasised, based on empirical cross-country data, that an unequal income distribution is a serious impediment to effective poverty alleviation [Ravallion (1997, 2001)]. Many researchers suggested that growth is, in practice the main tool for fighting poverty. However, they also reiterated that the imperative of growth for combating poverty should not be misinterpreted to mean that “growth is all that matters”. Growth is a necessary condition for poverty alleviation, no doubt, but inequality also matters and should also be on the development agenda


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (20) (3) ◽  
pp. 45-67
Author(s):  
Ben-Salha Ousama ◽  
Zmami Mourad

The aim of the article is to conduct an empirical analysis of the impact of aggregate and disaggregate private capital flows on economic growth in eleven MENA countries between 1980 and 2018. Unlike prior empirical studies, the fixed effect panel quantile approach developed by Canay (2011) is implemented. Findings suggest that there is a significant difference in the effects of private capital flows on economic growth across lower and higher quantiles. More specifically, the effects of total private capital flows, foreign direct investment flows, portfolio flows and debt flows are positive and statistically significant only for low and medium quantiles, indicating that the enhancing impact of private capital flows in terms of economic growth is only confirmed in countries with relatively low and medium growth rates. Moreover, debt flows affect economic growth in countries recording high growth rates, stressing the importance of financial development in routing those flows into the most productive projects in the economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samar H. Albagoury

Purpose The relationship between economic growth performance and achieving inclusive growth, especially concerning poverty rate, is a subject of continuous argument in economic literature. Although some argue that this relationship is deterministic, i.e. achieving economic growth will definitely reduce poverty and enhance inclusive growth, others believe that the relationship between growth and poverty is conditional, depends mainly on the status of income distribution in this country, i.e. if the growth is combined with a significant improve in distribution then it will reduce poverty. Design/methodology/approach Africa is a clear example of the nexus between economic growth and poverty reduction. Although many African countries manage to achieve relatively high growth rates, hit two digits in some cases, during the last decades, poverty still widely spread in those countries. Of the 30 poorest countries in the world, 24 are African countries. And about 50% of African people still live under the poverty line. Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), which could be considered as one of the fastest growing regions in Africa, is not an exception; although the region achieves relatively high growth rates, poverty and inequality are still among the region’s main development challenges. Findings This paper found that the economic growth rate achieved in COMESA countries could not be considered as inclusive growth as it does not combine with adequate enhancement in inclusiveness indicators. And that the structural characteristics of those countries economy and its inelasticity are the main reasons behind this inefficiency. Originality/value In this context, this paper aims to evaluate the effectiveness of economic growth achieved in COMESA countries in achieving inclusive growth and to identify the main factors affecting this relationship by using two steps data envelopment analysis. Although this method is originally developed to evaluate the relative economic efficiencies, the main contribution of this paper is the adaptation of data envelopment analysis to evaluate the efficiency of economic growth achieved in COMESA countries in enhancing inclusive growth dimensions such as poverty rate, inequality, unemployment, education, health, and then to identify in its second step the main indicators that could be used to explain the variation in efficiency scores.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Meghna Dutta

This paper attempts to analyse the impact of a prevailing informal sector on the dynamics of growth and inflation in developing economies. The high growth rates posited by most developing economies in the presence of a huge informal sector suggest that this sector might not be the malefactor as often indicated. The main results show that the informal economy not only contributes to economic growth but the firms also help to significantly reduce inflation by generating employment and hence maintain political stability in the economy despite the existence of a huge pool of “surplus labourers”.


Author(s):  
Guillermo Cruces ◽  
Gary S. Fields ◽  
David Jaume ◽  
Mariana Viollaz

Between 2000 and 2012, Panama boasted the strongest economic growth in Latin America. The growth experience was not uniform: the 2000–2 period was marked by slow or negative growth rates, after which growth was exceptionally rapid. Although the international economic crisis of 2008 slowed the growth process down, it rebounded in the years following the crisis. Labour market indicators have clearly improved. The economic crisis led to a temporary increase in unemployment, a drop in the share of paid employees, and a rise in some poverty indicators; all these effects were reversed by the end of the period studied.


1974 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 1008-1020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert P. Swierenga

The economic impact of American public land policies in the nineteenth century can be assessed either in terms of their efficiency or equity effects, that is, their impact on national growth rates or on income distribution. Robert W. Fogel and Jack Rutner recently explored the growth question and discovered that federal land policy had a positive but minimal effect on economic growth in the mid-nineteenth century. This suggests that the equity question is perhaps more important than the efficiency issue, a point made several years earlier by Douglass C. North.


1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (4II) ◽  
pp. 765-779
Author(s):  
Rashida Haq

Economic growth is important, but at the same time it loses its importance if nothing trickles down to the poor. One of the frequent heard arguments against growth strategies is that it benefits only the comparatively well off segment of the society. This means that the concomitant of economic growth is more skewed income distribution. Growth and equity should be solved subsequently or in some cases simultaneously, otherwise these countries are exposed to disaster [Hirschman (1973)]. The surge for income distribution studies both in developed and developing countries has, however, been caused by different reasons. In a developed nation, a high economic growth, in terms of GNP per capita and the introduction of the concept of a welfare state necessitated a widespread debate on income inequality and relative poverty issues. In the developing countries, failure to achieve sustainable high growth rates and disappointment from the pursuit of growth-led macro-economic policies in the past decade has surfaced a need to conduct income distribution studies and policies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta B. Rondon

Peru is a land of mixed cultures, multiple ethnic heritages and severe economic inequities. Its history goes back thousands of years, from accounts of the first inhabitants of the continent to the impressive Inca Empire, the rich Viceroyalty of Peru and the modern republic, which boasts one of the highest economic growth rates in South America. Yet, in spite of such complex cultural development, or perhaps because of it, 21st-century Peruvians have substantial difficulties establishing a national identity and recognising each other as members of the same community.


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