scholarly journals The new political macroeconomics in modern macroeconomics and its appliance to transition processes in Serbia

2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-557
Author(s):  
Miomir Jaksic ◽  
Aleksandra Prascevic

This study deals with important issues related to the new political macroeconomics and its appliance to the economic movements in Serbia, which is a country of ?new democracy? as well as with transition economy. In political macroeconomics, it is a known fact that the economic policy instruments can be used for political purposes - simulated improvement of economic indicators to win the elections. These options assume specific features in transition economies, such as the Serbian economy. The political instability in Serbia, reflected in frequent elections, as well as in the diversity in political and economic goals of the key political parties leading to increasing political uncertainty in both the pre-election and post-election periods, weakened the economic system. Simultaneously, using the economic policy for political purposes to support the ?pro-democratic? and ?pro-European? parties proved to be paradoxically justified.

Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byron E. Shafer

When you shake his hand, do you already know? Before you ask whether she has done anything political, can you guess in which party she would have done it? The political parties, even American political parties, are different. They offer different issue positions, on economic policy, on foreign policy, on social policy. They represent different interests as well, different classes, different regions, different ethnic and racial groups. Yet there is something else about these parties, something quite apart from issues and interests, which makes the direct observer believe that he can tell the Republicans from the Democrats, even when he is at the country club, or at the corner bar.


1979 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 18-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward R. Tufte

ALTHOUGH THE SYNCHRONIZATION OF ECONOMIC FLUCTUations with the electoral cycle often preoccupies political leaders, the real force of political influence on macroeconomic performance comes in the determination of economic priorities. Here the ideology and platform of the political party in power dominate. Just as the electoral calendar helps set the timing of policy, so the ideology of political leaders shapes the substance of economic policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-195
Author(s):  
Maciej Olejnik

Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.


1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. I. Marrou

In September, 1939, the war caught the French in a state of political uncertainty and intellectual confusion. Considered generally, they were poorly prepared for the terrible trial awaiting them. The approaching war was less a national war with clearly defined territorial or economic objectives than a great ideological crusade. Now, ideologically, it found the French divided and uncertain.From the political point of view, the normal operation of the governmental processes of the Republic had not functioned since February 6, 1934, the date of the Riots with their Fascist tendencies; the great élan for moral and political as well as social reconstruction, which in June, 1936, had carried the political parties of the Left to power, combined as they were in the Popular Front, soon bogged down into impotence and ended finally in a lamentable failure.


2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Viviani

Fifty years after the start of the process of unification and thirty from the first elections to the European Parliament, this book addresses the role played by the political party in the supernational public context. It also responds to a number of interrogatives crucial for the future of the European Union: is there a Europe of the parties beyond a Europe of the nations and national governments? What role can the political parties actually play in the process of democratisation of the European Union? To address these issues of growing scientific and topical interest in the political debate, the votes expressed by the MEPs are reconstructed and analysed so as to clarify the question of the cohesion of political families and the fault lines between national delegations and Eurogroups. What emerges is a telling and problematic dimension of political conflict "in Europe" and "on Europe", already beyond the national borders but not yet the expression of Pan-European parties.


Subject The political outlook for Thailand. Significance Thailand has scheduled a referendum on a new draft constitution on August 7. The pre-referendum period has been marked by a crackdown on political dissent, but also a spike in organised opposition to the junta by student-led bodies as well as new groups such as the Resistant Citizen and New Democracy Movement. Impacts A crackdown on online activism will create reputational and business risks for social media platforms. The military will monopolise politics regardless of the referendum result, further weakening political parties. International observers will maintain their distance from Bangkok but also avoid a direct confrontation.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Caldas Montes ◽  
Fabiana da Silva Leite Nogueira

PurposeThis study estimates the effects of political uncertainty and economic policy uncertainty on business confidence. Moreover, it also examines business confidence as a transmission channel of political uncertainty and economic policy uncertainty to investment.Design/methodology/approachThe study addresses the Brazilian case from May 2004 to December 2017. Brazil experienced situations of political instability and public distrust in government and its policies, which reflected on the economic environment. The study uses two business confidence indicators that capture entrepreneurs' sentiment in relation to their business and the economy. All models are estimated using ordinary least squares and generalized method of moments.FindingsThe estimates reveal that increases in both political uncertainty and economic policy uncertainty reduce business confidence. The findings also indicate that business confidence acts as a transmission mechanism, i.e. uncertainties affect investments through business confidence.Practical implicationsThe findings point to the following practical implications related to the existence of uncertainties in the Brazilian economy: different institutional difficulties and government indecisions have blurred the political scene and caused political uncertainties. In addition, the same aspects that blurred the political scene also caused uncertainties in relation to economic policy that undermined business confidence, and affected investment.Originality/valueThere is a vast literature on business confidence, as well as studies addressing the relationship between business confidence and investment. This study differs from other studies as follows: in addition to the political uncertainty, it also analyzes the effect of economic policy uncertainty on business confidence; it uses different measures to capture political instability, and it analyzes whether business confidence acts as a transmission channel of both uncertainties to investments.


2009 ◽  
pp. 85-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Rustamov

The article considers strategic issues of modernization of the transition economy. The analysis is based on the methodology of the World Economic Forum where special attention is paid to the sequence of the transformation stages. The main conclusion is that modernization should combine implementation of the governance mechanisms with the beneficial use of comparative advantages of the national culture. In fact, modernization of the transition economy should be evolutionary. It is precisely this course of development that is relevant for Azerbaijan which has successfully upgraded its economy in the recent years.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


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