scholarly journals Serbia’s EU integration process: The momentum of 2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Ristic

After four years of ambivalence, the relationship between the European Union and Serbia is again gaining a new opportunity to flourish. The new Serbian government is formed by parties which are strongly committed to Serbia?s EU integration and hence ready to carry out reforms and fully cooperate with the International Crime Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. This paper presents the current relationship between Brussels and Belgrade and its main obstacles. It emphasizes both internal and external problems of this relationship and their interdependency. In this regard the author argues that only by a mutual commitment of both Serbia and the EU lasting peace will be achieved in the Western Balkans and the region stabilized.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
E. G. Entina

Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Juliana Gjinko

Nearly thirty years after the fall of communism in Albania, European integration has been the main driving force for change and the real catalyst for reform. Today, a vast majority of Albanians continue to be convinced that the only way to develop, modernize and guarantee security is a full integration into the European family. The problem is not simply the duration of such an intermediate phase between obtaining candidate status and a full membership of the European Union. In fact, Albanians themselves are increasingly aware that the road to full membership of the European Union will be long, and that it will require a series of major and profound changes in the country, especially in the areas of the rule of law and functioning of institutions, along with implementing various standards that a society must meet in order to achieve this goal. The aim of this paper is to analyze Albanian use and abuse of the EU integration process in internal political discourse, reforms and transformation. A number of documents, publications and public speeches are examined in order to evaluate the impact of integration in this small, developing, post-communist country.


Author(s):  
Gentian Elezi

The European integration process of the Western Balkans has been experiencing considerable stagnation since 2010, although the regional states have been formally following the accession stages. In spite of the remarkable achievements in the 2000s in terms of stability and engagement in reforms, the European Union (EU) conditionality policy is experiencing shortcomings in terms of tangible impact. Due also to its internal problems, the EU appears to have lost its shine in influencing domestic political agendas of the Western Balkan countries as in the case of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and has gradually lost the support of citizens in the region. This has had several consequences in terms of rising authoritarian practices, slowing down EU-related reforms and compliance with the acquis, some return to nationalistic rhetoric, and openness to influences of other global actors from the East, which do not necessarily maintain good relations with the EU. The enlargement fatigue that has affected the EU since the 2008 global crisis has had repercussions inside the EU institutions and domestic politics of member states. These changes have been reflected in the Union’s approach towards accession countries, undermining the credibility of the integration process and its commitment to the Western Balkans. The weakening of credibility and predictability on this path, together with the poor state capacities that characterize the Western Balkans, have produced some regress of the democracy indicators. The EU, with its conditionality, is still a determining factor in the trajectory of the countries of the region. However, there is a need to renew the commitments undertaken on both sides in order to make sure that the European perspective, stability, and democratization in the Western Balkans are irreversible and properly supported. The European Union is still considered the only game in town, but it has to face up to the enlargement fatigue and return to its leading role as an aspirational model for the Western Balkans.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 626-627
Author(s):  
Mariachiara Alberton

This book, coordinated and supervised by Prof. Vincenzo Salvatore, is part of the output of the workshop organized by the Università dell’Insubria in Varese in November 2010 which gathered legal and economic scholars and experts of EU Institutions with the aim of presenting and discussing present problems and future challenges of the EU agencies. The diverse set of perspectives contained in the book contributes significantly to rethink the role and nature of the EU agency institutional model, by pointing out some of the most relevant legal issues such as the delegation of powers and the lack of homogeneity of the model, which reflect features and peculiarities of the EU integration process.


1997 ◽  
Vol 22 (03) ◽  
pp. 581-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustav Peebles

In this paper I approach the European Union Treaties (Rome and Maastricht) and the European Court of Justice's jurisprudence from a Marxist standpoint. I argue that the treaties and case law of the European Union (EU) revolve around the rights of things (commodities), rather than of people. People primarily gain rights within the EU by demonstrating that they embody exchange value and are therefore personified commodities; people are not accorded rights merely for being human. In essence, the treaties and case law have enshrined Marx's notion of commodity fetishism, which Marx asserted to be a social mystification, into transparent law. Focusing on the grand scheme of the treaties' jurisdiction in this manner also illuminates the role of the court as it struggles to balance the demands of capital's self-valorization with fundamental human rights. I then consider the consequences of this balancing act for the EU integration process. I argue that this phenomenon as a whole also carries implications for EU civil society and for notions of legal equality among persons.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chu Thanh Van

Together with Brexit has come not only the official spliting of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) but also the question whether scholars and diplomatic officials should approach the relationship between the two partners of the UK and the EU from Integration Theory or Theory of Foreign Policy? This article investigates the effects of both the viewpoints on the practice of certain diplomatic jobs by the UK’s goverments towards the EU from 1972 to 2016 and the research works by scholars in the world on this relationship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Gazmend Qorraj

Abstract The aim of the paper is to reflect upon the dilemma or whether the EU will continue the integration process in the Western Balkans or backlash on regional cooperation instruments and initiatives within the framework of the Western Balkans. The Regional Economic Area (REA) is analyzed as the more recent policy of the European Union for the remaining Balkan countries. It is crucial to analyze the idea behind REA, starting from two main assumptions: first, the creation of REA stemmed from EU internal challenges; and second, REA came up as a creative EU approach in efforts to find a specific model for reforms in the Western Balkans in the frame of regional institutions. The paper also discusses regional trade and specifically the role of the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) in coordinating these initiatives in the Western Balkans. Taking into consideration the EU current challenges as well as difficulties of the Western Balkan countries to overcome the political and economic problems, then regional cooperation could appear as an alternative to the EU integration process for the Western Balkans. The main conclusion of this paper is that the Western Balkans needs the EU’s direct support, in particular, since RCC and other regional instruments cannot enforce, support and monitor the initiatives and reforms in the region.


Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter discusses the relevant provisions of Art. 23 et seq. of the Grundgesetz (GG) with regard to the international integration of the Federal Republic of Germany. Art. 23 establishes a special constitutional basis for Germany's participation in the founding of the European Union. Art. 23 para. 1 s. 2 GG contains a provision on authorisation to transfer sovereign powers, whereas Art. 23 para. 1 s. 1 includes a ‘structural safeguard clause’ which imposes limits on legislation integrating Germany into the EU. The chapter examines the Federal Constitutional Court's jurisprudence concerning Germany's integration into the EU, with emphasis on issues such as transfer of sovereign powers, the relationship between EU law and national law, and limits on the legislature when passing EU integration laws. It also considers the provision allowing Germany to enter into a collective security system, focussing on the limits on sovereign rights.


2007 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Ristic

Serbia is considered as "an unfinished state" with a rather "undefined Nation" and as such approaching the European Union. This raises the question to what extent these circumstances will influence the success of Serbia?s EU-integration process, since nation identity and statehood are in this article seen as constitutional parts of the concept of Europeanness. Thus this paper focuses on Europeanness and the identity behind it. It further gives an overview of the Serbian identity, first by presenting its dichotomy and then by highlighting the main factors, which have primarily shaped the identity of Serbia. Finally this paper shows why a clearly defined national identity would facilitate Serbia?s access to the EU.


2022 ◽  
pp. 260-277
Author(s):  
Domagoj Galić ◽  
Dražen Barbarić ◽  
Ana-Mari Bošnjak

The European Union (EU) and Bosnia and Herzegovina have a long and specific relationship dating back to the early 1990s and the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. While the EU didn't present itself in a flattering light during the breakup of the SFRY, after the Dayton Peace Agreement and post-conflict governance, it tried to impose itself as a factor of stability in the eyes of B&H public. The aim of the chapter is to present key elements, problems, and consequences of unsuccessful integration into the EU. After a short presentation of the chronology of relations between B&H and the EU, the authors aim to answer several questions. First, what are the main issues in B&H-EU relations? Second, who is responsible for the stalemate in integration process? Third, how successful is the EU conditionality policy towards B&H?


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document