scholarly journals Neoclassical geopolitics: Preliminary theoretical principles and methodological guidelines

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-157
Author(s):  
Nuno Morgado

The paper is aimed at making geopolitical studies and neoclassical geopolitics equivalent. In this sense, the objectives are conceptual and operational, comprising an original definition of geopolitical studies, and the explanation of the neoclassical geopolitics model and its variables: systemic stimuli, the geopolitical agent?s perceptions and capacities, and foreign policy outcomes (primarily the geopolitical design). Therefore, the problem at stake is to tie up several theoretical and methodological contributions into a solid new geopolitical model, in the limits of the phenomenological and soft positivist sphere. Two sections constituted the structure of this qualitative paper: 1) formulation of a chain of theoretical fundaments in geopolitical studies, and 2) description of a group of methodological steps that a geopolitical study can use. The research advances a) a new definition of geopolitical studies, b) explains the concept of geomisguidance, c) frames and unwraps Ratzel?s concept of Raumsinn, and d) ultimately systematises and assesses geopolitical studies? literature of different languages with respect to theory and methodology. All these findings were oriented to the practical aspect of the operationalisation of geopolitical studies, presenting the compact conclusion that the analysis of location is not enough for a grand vision of geopolitical studies as an international relations approach.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-108
Author(s):  
Nuno Morgado

The neoclassical realist approach considers systemic stimuli (independent), and leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations, and domestic institutions (intervening) as the variables of an explanatory model of foreign policy and international outcomes (dependent variable). Starting from the central assumptions of Ethology and Classical Élites Theory with the purpose of delimitating the agent – the geopolitical agent or the foreign policy executive – this paper aims to reinforce the importance of the intervening variables geopolitical agent’s perceptions and capacities in shaping the geopolitical design and other foreign policy outcomes. The true core of the paper is to expand the scope of geopolitical studies by including the methodological task of studying the geopolitical agent’s perceptions and capacities. In doing so, the matter directly relates to the analysis of both (i) how the geopolitical agent can perceive the geographical space (Raumsinn), and (ii) what can be the geopolitical agent’s capacities in managing resources assigned to the foreign policy. The purpose of the paper is then threefold: (i) conceptual – because it deals with definition of terms and their differentiation, (ii) theoretical – since the paper intends to review the neoclassical realist approach and merge it with geopolitical studies trying to forge a joint approach, and (iii) methodological – as it provides methodological guidelines about the new framework. Therefore, the paper brings the innovation of including insights of the neoclassical realist intervening variables into the geopolitical studies’ framework for a more accurate and enhanced scope of geopolitical analysis in the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (S1) ◽  
pp. 36-36
Author(s):  
Zsombor Zrubka ◽  
Anita Burrell ◽  
Menna N Sharkawy ◽  
Colin M Pfeiffer ◽  
Manthan D Janodia ◽  
...  

IntroductionThe use of information technology within health systems has emerged over the years and the current pandemic has further catalyzed this development. As a result, various definitions of eHealth have emerged. Our objective was to provide an overview of definitions available on the internet to complement the traditional (“white”) literature search.MethodsWe adapted methodological guidelines from the Cochrane Handbook and management sciences to mirror the search in bibliographic databases. A comprehensive Google search was performed in July 2020 to retrieve uniform resource locators (URL's) of webpages containing terms for eHealth within four words of synonyms for the word “definition”. The DataScraper extension of the Google Chrome browser was used to collect all URL's. Webpages were eligible if they contained an original or adopted English-language definition of eHealth or contained a direct link to a definition or a document containing a definition. All document types were eligible. The analysis was performed 7 months after the data collection.ResultsOut of the 270 unique URL's, 37 (13.7%) were no longer accessible and 51 (18.9%) were links to academic publications (“white” literature). The language was not English for five webpages (1.9%) and 113 (41.9%) did not contain a definition of eHealth or other related terms. Other related terms were defined in 29 webpages (10.7%), among which “electronic health record” occurred most frequently (18/29, 62.1%). eHealth was defined in 35 (13.0%) webpages, out of which 45.7 percent (16/35) cited an existing source and 54.3 percent (19/35) provided an original definition.ConclusionsThe digital era raises both challenges and opportunities in conducting a grey literature search. We found that an augmented Google-based search can identify valuable references that traditional literature searches cannot detect. Term definitions (and their context) found in the grey versus bibliographic databases will be compared to assess their alignment with health economists perspectives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Viskupic

How does status affect foreign policy outcomes? Scholars have long argued that status is a salient foreign policy driver and that states even fight for status, but there is no consensus on how to think about this relationship. I propose that unpacking the link between status and role in international relations can help scholars analyze how status shapes national security outcomes. I illustrate the usefulness of this framework on the processes leading to Australia’s intervention in the Solomon Islands. An analysis of speeches by Australia’s leaders reveals that concern for maintaining Australia’s status as the leader of the Pacific and the role of maintainer of regional order and security affected the decision to dispatch an intervention.


Author(s):  
Diana Panke ◽  
Ingo Henneberg

The interplay between states and international organizations has received a lot of scholarly attention, largely because the number of international organizations has increased considerably within the last century. State-of-the-art scholarship on the foreign policies of international organizations and states is presented here, as are rationalist and constructivist accounts of how the foreign policies of states impact international organizations (bottom-up perspective), as well as how, in turn, international organizations impact member-state foreign policies (top-down perspective). Thereby, the polity, politics, and policy dimensions of both states and international organizations are examined in order to explain the changes states’ foreign policies can induce, under what scope conditions, in the international organizations’ structure (polity), procedures (politics), and policy outcomes. Vice versa, also explained are the changes international organizations can induce, under what scope conditions, in the foreign policy apparatus of states (polity), foreign policy decision-making procedures (politics), and states’ foreign policies. As is illustrated, the theme “International Organizations and Foreign Policy” is not an established foreign policy subfield per se but is covered here in multiple approaches and theories. In line with the development of international relations, the bottom-up perspective has received much more scholarly attention than the top-down perspective. Furthermore, bottom-up research evidences a tendency toward the strong influence of states’ foreign policies on the policy and polity of international organizations, while the top-down influence of international organizations on states’ foreign policy apparatus, procedures, and policies is usually much more limited. Finally, an outlook into fruitful future avenues for research is outlined.


2021 ◽  
pp. 030437542110489
Author(s):  
C. Akça Ataç

Hypermasculine hegemonic masculinities have become the norm to dominate the foreign policies all around the world. As the populist foreign-policy visions, the byproducts of androcentric norm-creation, undermine the established rules for peace, diplomacy and co-existence in the international system, other experiences have faded away from the narratives that have defined and contributed to foreign policies. The accelerating urgency of the national security agendas of the hypermasculine states seek to cancel feminist definitions, practices and theories for the sake of physical force and state control. Nevertheless, more than any other period in history, it is these conflicting times that necessitate Cynthia Enloe’s ‘curious feminist’ questions the most. Turkish foreign policy of the last decade has become a quintessential example of hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity, especially within the context of the S-400 crisis with the US, NATO and Russia; its feminist critics are distressingly rare. This paper aims to offer an alternative reading of Turkey’s S-400 saga from a feminist perspective to contribute a Turkish case to feminist International Relations. First a definition of feminist International Relations will be provided. Then, the hypermasculine character of the Turkish hegemonic masculinity and its reflection on the current Turkish foreign policy will be analyzed. Lastly, the S-400 crisis of Turkey’s decision to buy Russian defense missiles as a NATO member will be examined.


Author(s):  
Maryna Okladna ◽  
Kseniia Naumova ◽  
Violetta Myrhorod

Problem setting. Problems of international relations and foreign policy have always been in the center of public attention of analysts, politicians and journalists. Although secret diplomacy is a highly controversial phenomenon in terms of public morality, it is an effective means of pursuing defense policy, military cooperation and establishing international relations for peace. In practice, secret diplomacy has various forms of implementation, such as holding “closed” conferences, signing secret multilateral agreements, providing covert instructions, and others. Any form of implementation must take into account the fact that the ultimate goal is to achieve the maximum national interest with a minimum of controversy and resentment from others. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Among Ukrainian scholars, D. Kostyuk and D. Kurillo, S. Pik and others. Anthony John Wanis-ST., a professor of the American University’s School of International Service in Washington, D.C., made a significant contribution to the study of secret diplomacy. John, Cornelius Biola, a professor at Oxford University, and Aaron Klieman, a professor at Tel Aviv University. Target of research is to define the concept of secret diplomacy, analyze the main ways of its implementation, as well as explore the features of their functioning in international relations. Article’s main body. The research is devoted to the definition of “secret diplomacy” and analysis of the main ways of its implementation. Peculiarities of the functioning of forms of secret diplomacy in international relations have been studied. Forms of secret diplomacy include “closed” conferences, secret bilateral and tripartite agreements, the provision of secret instructions by states to diplomats, correspondence through closed channels, and non-public diplomacy. The definition of “secret diplomacy” is proposed. Examples of the application of secret diplomacy in practice have been studied. “Secret” conferences are a very effective way to reach agreement on some common issues, they are difficult because of both the organization and the stage: the more participants in the negotiations, the more difficult it is to maintain secrecy and control information leaks. Details of such negotiations are often leaked to the media, causing serious harm to participants. The signing of secret bilateral and tripartite agreements allows countries to significantly expand the range of issues under discussion, including all issues, from cooperation in various sectors of the economy, military cooperation to joint action in the international arena. The practice of giving secret instructions to diplomats is often used: when sending a diplomatic mission, the state provides its members with a number of mandatory secret instructions, as well as coordinates its work during negotiations. Closed channel correspondence, the biggest advantage of which is the small number of people who take part in it, which in turn allows the sender and recipient to keep all correspondence secret, preventing the essence of correspondence from being revealed to third parties. Non-public diplomacy consists of negotiations officially authorized by the leadership of states, which take place between the parties to the conflict in secret from other parties. Conclusions and prospects for the development. Despite the disadvantages, covert diplomacy can create an enabling environment for constructive negotiations by isolating foreign policy figures from public speaking, giving them the highest level of security, informality, autonomy and the ability to “save face” in public. It is not a universal way to solve all problems, but, in our opinion, it is an effective method of resolving protracted conflicts that negatively affect world politics.


Author(s):  
Faridah Jaafar ◽  
Nurulhasanah Abdul Rahman

Academic discussion on the fundamentals of foreign policy often draws a debatable argument in International Relations research. Yet, the effort to unravel the core definition of foreign policy is limited and largely unobserved. Regardless of any foreign policy beliefs, understanding the fundamentals is crucial to make informed decisions related to international affairs. Therefore, this paper seeks to explore the fundamentals of foreign policy in twofold namely; (1) Working on outlining the definition of foreign policy and (2) Factors that influence foreign policy decisions. By employing secondary data, the systematic review was conducted based on past literature with respect to foreign policy studies and premiership; extracted from reputable databases. The literature search was limited to English sources, published in Scopus, ScienceDirect, and indexed in Google Scholar from 1960 to 2020. Accordingly, five factors emerged from the review which revealed the significant influence of individual, position, government, society, and system in formulating foreign policy decisions. These factors are considered as drivers in the foreign policy landscape and evidently shaped the Malaysian principles in collaborating with international cooperation. Finally, this paper provides insights into the existing literature with a detailed definition of foreign policy and narrates the way foreign policy decisions have effects on Malaysian political affairs. A set of recommendations were proposed as a brief agenda for future research.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald E. Nuechterlein

The term “national interest” has been used by statesmen and scholars since the founding of nation-states to describe the aspirations and goals of sovereign entities in the international arena. Today foreign ministers, military strategists and academicians discuss the vital interests of their countries in ways suggesting that everyone understands precisely what they mean and will draw correct inferences from their use of the term. Nothing could be further from reality. In truth, the study of international politics as well as the art of diplomacy suffer from widespread ambiguity about the meaning of national interest, with the result that some scholars have proposed that the concept be abandoned and replaced by some other phrase. To my mind, this would be an abdication of the scholar's responsibility because, whether we like it or not, the term national interest is so deeply ingrained in the literature of international relations and diplomatic language that it is unlikely to be dismissed from our vocabulary simply because some scholars find it useless. Were we to attempt to substitute some new phrase, we would likely find even less consensus and could become engaged in yet another round of jargon-creation. A better alternative, I suggest, is to strive for a more precise definition of national interest and then provide a conceptual framework in which serious discussion of foreign policy and international politics can become more fruitful. That is the purpose of this paper.


Author(s):  
Baldur Thorhallsson ◽  
Sverrir Steinsson

Size matters in international relations. Owing to their unique vulnerabilities, small states have different needs, adopt different foreign policies, and have a harder time achieving favorable foreign policy outcomes than large states. Small states show a preference for multilateral organizations because they reduce the power asymmetry between states, decrease the transaction costs of diplomacy, and impose constraints on large states. Small state security policies vary widely depending on domestic and international conditions. Despite the inherent disadvantages to being small, small states can compensate for the limitations of their size and exert influence on world politics, provided that they use the appropriate strategies.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Weisbrode

Diplomacy’s role in foreign policy is hampered by multiple understandings of what diplomacy is and does. A broad definition of diplomacy holds that it encompasses more than the promotion of peaceful international relations. Instead, it applies to the sum of those relations—peaceful, hostile, and everything in between. Thus, foreign relations—so long as they involve the interests, direction, and actions of a sovereign power—may be regarded as being synonymous with diplomatic relations, whereby foreign policy relates to the theory and practice of setting diplomatic priorities; planning for contingencies; advancing strategic, operational, and tactical diplomatic aims; and adjusting those aims to domestic and foreign constraints. This conception of diplomacy is functional: it emphasizes the roles of diplomats and recognizes that many other people perform these roles besides official envoys; and it illustrates that diplomatic settings—and the means, methods, and tools of diplomacy—undergo continuous change. The basic mediating purpose of diplomacy, however, has endured, as has much of its institutional apparatus—embassies, ambassadors, treaties, and so on. This is likely to remain the case so long as there are multiple polities in the world, all having to relate to one another.


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