scholarly journals Lessons from Europe’s antechamber for Balkanist criticism (and its critics)

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 458-476
Author(s):  
Orlanda Obad

The author is using a series of examples from her three-year research on social perception of the European Union in Croatia in order to pose several critical questions regarding the current application of the Balkanist criticism in the region and beyond. The research was conducted with three groups of interviewees who were, in different ways, related to the EU. Various notions of Europe and the Balkans, which appeared throughout these interviews, differed from the predominant discourse of the 1990s. The article also indicates the decline of the importance of symbolic geography in the interpretation of notions associated with the EU. In the questioning of metatheoretical level, the author suggests several new paths of research in Balkanist and other, closely related fields of study: admitting the importance of economy, which has been, in the past twenty years, secondary to the examination of questions related to culture and history, and also the production and flow of knowledge. In conclusion, the author proposes examining the approaches which would also enable the inclusion of the enriching, non-repressive and useful encounters between the center and periphery.

2010 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-177
Author(s):  
Dejan Sabic ◽  
Mila Pavlovic ◽  
Snezana Vujadinovic ◽  
Miroljub Milincic

In 2010 Serbia faced with many social, economical and political issues such as the economic crisis, unemployment, uncertain candidate for membership in the European Union, cooperation with the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and others. Recurrences of the past are still being felt in the political than some of the European Union with Serbia. Serbia has a long way toward permanent membership, and to intensify regional cooperation in Southeast Europe (SEE) through active membership in regional organizations and initiatives. Although this region for many years been burdened with the past and lack of understanding among nations, the steppes of integration is still achieved and is still stricken by stereotyped comparisons with a barrel keg, and so damn yard. The aim of this paper is to point out some directions for further development of the region and review of the circumstances that have contributed to this state, to show the events of the past who may be a message for the future. .


Author(s):  
Kreuschitz Viktor ◽  
Nehl Hanns Peter

This concluding chapter explores EU's anti-subsidy instruments, which are designed to address subsidization by other WTO members. After a hesitant start, the EU since 1995 has progressively used the AS instrument to act against subsidization by third-country governments. While initially focusing on relatively clear-cut export subsidies, over time the EU has more and more also countervailed domestic subsidy programmes. This is clearest in the AS cases initiated against China during the past five years, where the majority of the countervailed programmes have consisted of domestic subsidies. In this context, it is important to note that the findings of specificity reached by the EU in cases concerning China are largely based on the use of facts available, resulting from the imposition of very high burdens of proof on the Chinese government that domestic subsidies in fact are not specific.


2021 ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Renaud Dehousse ◽  
Paul Magnette

EU institutions have frequently been reformed since the origins of what is now the European Union (EU), and particularly so over the past twenty years. This chapter explains why and how this quasi-constant change has taken place. It begins by identifying five phases in this history: the founding, consolidation, relaunch, adaptation, and the current phase of reaction to functional challenges. The chapter then assesses the respective weight of state interests, ideas, and institutions in the evolution of EU institutions. In retrospect, institutional change in the EU appears to have followed a functionalist logic, leading to complex compromises that, in turn, prompt regular calls for ‘simplification’ and democratization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-209
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Ross ◽  
Aditi Bhatia

The sweeping tide of populism across the globe has given rise to isolationist sentiments that call for the closing of national borders and a return to nativist roots. This has been most evident in Britain in terms of the controversial vote to exit the European Union (EU) during the 2016 referendum (to Leave or Remain) and more recently with the lead up to a general election and mounting pressure on the government to implement an exit strategy. The most vocal proponent of the “leave” movement was the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), reframing the debate on EU membership in terms of invasion and oppression. This paper focuses on precisely this discursive construction of the EU by analyzing UKIP campaign posters through application of Bhatia’s Discourse of Illusion framework on three levels: historicity (use of the past to justify the present or predict the future), linguistic and semiotic action (subjective conceptualizations of reality made apparent through metaphorical rhetoric), and degree of social impact (emergence of delineating categories through ideological narrative).


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-222
Author(s):  
Heidi Stockhaus

The new free trade agreement with the European Union will bring Vietnam’s economic integration to a new level once it enters into force. In the past, the associated economic growth has led to environmental deterioration due to inappropriate regulations and poor enforcement. Currently, environmental problems are visible everywhere and attract the attention of citizens as well as lawmakers. The new free trade agreement establishes a framework for sustainable development in the context of trade and investment. The relevant provisions aim to maintain Vietnam’s right to regulate for the targeted protection level, require the country to take measures to mitigate the pressure on the environment, and open the door for cooperation with the European Union. However, it remains to be seen, whether these provisions balance the risks associated with the increase in trade and investment through the free trade agreement.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Sergey Asaturov ◽  
Andrei Martynov

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
E. G. Entina

Traditionally the phenomenon of the European integration towards South East Europe is regarded starting from the XXI century. The explanation for such a periodization are resolution of the open conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia and implementation of the complex EU strategy for the region. Starting point of the majority of researches is the year of 2003 when the EU Agenda for the Western Balkans was started in Thessaloniki. The topic of EEC-Yugoslavia relations, SFRY having been first socialist country to institutionalize its trade and economic relations with Brussels, are unfairly ignored in domestic and foreign scientific literature. It is regarded solely as a chronological period of trade agreements. Nevertheless, this issue is of fundamental importance for understanding the current neighborhood of the European Union. The main thesis the author proves is that in the 1960s and 1980s as it is the case nowadays, the main imperative of Brussels' policy towards the Balkans was to prevent Moscow from increasing its influence. This led to the formation of a very specific format of relations with Belgrade and was one of the reasons why the economic crisis in Yugoslavia became extreme and its economy irreformable. In addition, at a later and structurally much more complicated stage of relations between the countries of the former Yugoslavia and the European Union the specificity and main components of relations of the Cold War period did not fundamentally change. As for the policy of so-called containment of the external actors one could see that besides Moscow, we can speak about similar attitude of the EU towards China. It makes it possible to consider the EU policy towards the countries of the former Yugoslavia in the paradigm of neoclassical realism, rather than in the paradigm of traditional liberal European integration approaches which allows us to unite neorealists elements with the specifics of internal processes, including the modernization of institutes, relations between society and state, types of political leadership.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Joanna Michalak-Dawidziuk

This article was written on the basis of the text created by the author as part of the Polish component of the Reducing Early School Leaving in the EU project carried out within the 7th Framework Program of the European Union for the years 2013-2018. The text was prepared when the author followed a research apprenticeship program at the Faculty of Education of the University of Warsaw. The article describes the teacher’s profession over the past fifteen years, placing special emphasis on teachers’ education, teachers’ careers, rules for and structure of employment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
G.G. Geletukha ◽  
T.A. Zheliezna ◽  
S.V. Drahniev ◽  
A.I. Bashtovyi

Purpose of the work is to analyze the perspective directions for the development of transport biofuels sector in Ukraine. Current state and prospects for the production and utilization of transport biofuels in the EU are presented. It is shown that the consumption of transport biofuels in the European Union increased quite dynamically during 2004-2012, experienced a stagnation period for the next four years and started to rise again from 2017. Directive (EU) 2018/2001 (RED II) sets the mandatory target of achieving 14% of renewable energy in the EU transport sector by 2030, with a mandatory share of second generation biofuels. Analysis of the situation in Ukraine shows that the production of bioethanol and biodiesel, unfortunately, has not reached wide development. Over the past twenty years, several relevant programs were developed and approved in the country, but their implementation was not successful in terms of achieving the goals. Today, there are about 20 bioethanol producers in Ukraine with a total capacity of more than 300 kt/yr, but only 8 enterprises with a total capacity of 128 kt/yr are operating. It is known that 14 biodiesel plants with a total capacity of 300 kt/yr have been built in Ukraine, but at present they are actually idle. In addition, there are about 50 smaller enterprises capable of producing up to 25 kt of biodiesel per year, but no reliable information on the actual activity of these enterprises is available. It is obvious that the sector of transport biofuels is currently in a state of stagnation in Ukraine. To improve the situation, it is necessary to implement the consistent state policy and appropriate incentive instruments.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime A. Teixeira da Silva

Hungary is geographically central in the European Union (EU). Being linguistically and culturally distinct, Hungary is ideally positioned and somewhat unique, being surrounded by seven other nations. In academics, the challenges facing Hungarian scholars are no different than other scholars in the EU, or globally. In the past few years, research ethics has become more stringent, in part as a result of fortified post-publication peer review. This letter provides one perspective about the state of Hungarian research and academia relative to other EU nations through the prism of research ethics, and in the form of literature corrections, including retractions. Using the Retraction Watch database, 24 retractions, corrections or expressions of concern were observed. One third of those emerged from the University of Debrecen. Five of the corrections were in Elsevier journals, followed by four in Springer Nature journals. Compared with the remaining 26 EU nations, excluding the UK (i.e., considering Brexit), Hungary ranks 17th in terms of number of corrections (range: Malta = 2; Germany = 751). These numbers suggest either that research ethics may be more stringent in Hungary, or that the Hungarian literature has not been sufficiently scrutinized through post-publication peer review.


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