scholarly journals Crops and wild plants from early iron age Kalakaca, northern Serbia: Comparing old and new archaeobotanical data

Balcanica ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 7-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragana Filipovic

The ?old? archaeobotanical analysis of charred plant remains hand-picked in the 1970?s from several pit-features at Early Iron Age Kalakaca in Vojvodina, northern Serbia was conducted by Willem van Zeist and published by Predrag Medovic. This work provided first information on the archaeobotany of the site and the plant material deposited in the semi- or fully-subterranean structures whose function has remained more-or-less enigmatic. These features were in the past filled with a mass of fragments of, primarily, large ceramic vessels, chunks of (burnt) daub, large quantities of animal bone, and burnt plant matter. The ?new? archaeobotanical work at Kalakaca included sampling and flotation in the field, and subsequent analysis of a fraction of the samples. The paper explores the composition of the two datasets from Kalakaca, separately and combined; it identifies the spectra of crop and wild plants and discusses the quantitative representation of the crops. The paper concludes by broadly comparing the integrated crop record from this site with the crop datasets from few other Early Iron Age sites in Serbia in order to get a preliminary picture on the choice of cultivated crops and possible preferences for certain crop types.

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Daniel Pioske

Over the past twenty years our understanding of Philistine Gath's history (Tell es-Safl) has been transformed by what has been revealed through the site's early Iron Age remains. But what has received much less attention is the effect these ruins have on how we read references to the location within the Hebrew Bible. The intent of this study is to draw on the archaeological evidence produced from Tell es-Safl as an interpretive lens by which to consider the biblical portrayal of the site rendered in the book of Samuel, where the material traces of more amicable associations between Gath and highland populations invite us to reconsider the city's depiction in this ancient literary work.


1997 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 221-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Parker Pearson ◽  
R.E. Sydes ◽  
S. Boardman ◽  
B. Brayshay ◽  
P.C. Buckland ◽  
...  

The Early Iron Age enclosures and associated sites on Sutton Common on the western edge of the Humberhead Levels contain an exceptional variety of archaeological data of importance not only to the region but for the study of later prehistory in the British Isles. Few other later prehistoric British sites outside the East Anglian fens and the Somerset Levels have thus far produced the quantity and quality of organically preserved archaeological materials that have been found, despite the small scale of the investigations to date. The excavations have provided an opportunity to integrate a variety of environmental analyses, of wood, pollen, beetles, waterlogged and carbonised plant remains, and of soil micromorphology, to address archaeological questions about the character, use, and environment of this Early Iron Age marsh fort. The site is comprised of a timber palisaded enclosure and a succeeding multivallate enclosure linked to a smaller enclosure by a timber alignment across a palaeochannel, with associated finds ranging in date from the Middle Bronze Age to the Roman and medieval periods. Among the four adjacent archaeological sites is an Early Mesolithic occupation site, also with organic preservation, and there is a Late Neolithic site beneath the large enclosure. Desiccation throughout the common is leading to the damage and loss of wooden and organic remains. It is hoped that the publication of these results, of investigations between 1987 and 1993, will lead to a fuller investigation taking place.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Kahlheber ◽  
Manfred K. H. Eggert ◽  
Dirk Seidensticker ◽  
Hans-Peter Wotzka

1996 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Lentz ◽  
Marilyn P. Beaudry-Corbett ◽  
Maria Luisa Reyna de Aguilar ◽  
Lawrence Kaplan

Botanical remains found in ceramic vessels and other containers at the Cerén site, El Salvador, provide evidence for how plants were used by Classic-period inhabitants. Because of the rapid inundation of ash caused by the eruption of the Loma Caldera volcano sometime around A. D. 590, conditions for the preservation of plant parts at Cerén are superior to most other Mesoamerican sites. Carbonized plant remains, or impressions thereof, recovered from vessels include an assortment of domesticates, cultigens, and wild plants that describe an overall pattern of a highly diversified subsistence base. Although clear statistical associations among vessels, structure types, and plant remains are not evident, the contextual data reveal food storage and other plant-use practices of the site occupants. The apparent abundance of plant-derived products and Mayan trade goods at Cerén suggests the potential contribution made by small farmers as both suppliers to and trading partners with the larger cultural developments in Mesoamerica.


2017 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nataliia Valentinovna Yanko ◽  
Andrij Vladislavovich Artemyev ◽  
Lyudmyla Fedorivna Kaskova

AbstractIn this paper we determine the caries frequency in children of the Early Iron Age (EIA) (the 9th - the 3d centuries BC) and the Medieval populations (the 8th - the beginning of the 15th century AD) from the Ukraine area, and compare the results with the data from several European populations who lived at the same time. The EIA is presented by 41 children skeletons, three of which were Cimmerian (the 9th - the 7th centuries BC) from the territory of contemporary Poltava region; 38 skulls from the territory of contemporary Poltava region and Crimea represented Scythian period (the 7th - the 3d centuries BC). Remains of 24 children from the Medieval populations were also examined, three of which were the ancient Hungarians from the Poltava region (the 8th - the 9th centuries AD), 6 Khazars from the Kharkiv region (the 8th - the 9th centuries), 1 child related the Old Rus culture from the Kyiv region (the 9th century), and 14 representatives of the nomadic populations in the Golden Horde period (the 13th - the beginning of the 15th century) from the Poltava and Zaporizhzhya regions. Taking in consideration the letter archaeobotanical studies we suggest that there were no major changes in the plants exploited during all the studied periods. The frequency of carious lesions in children from the Medieval populations (8.3% in individuals, 0.5% in deciduous teeth, and 0.4% in permanent teeth) is only slightly higher than those from the EIA period (2.4% in individuals and 0.2% in deciduous teeth). These indexes were not larger those of majority of European populations dated to the same historic period. Further isotopic, chemical and palaeobotanical studies of the additional sites, with sufficient sample sizes, allow us to learn so much more of the cariogenic factors in children of the past populations from the Ukraine area.


2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sineva Kukoč

In the northern Dalmatia region where there were only two cultural systems throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages, four moments are crucial in the use of cremation ritual during the 2nd/1st centuries BC: in the Early Bronze Age (Cetina culture: Ervenik, Podvršje − Matakov brig, Nadin, Krneza − Duševića glavica), in the Early Iron Age (Nadin, mound 13, Krneza − Jokina glavica), in Hellenism (Dragišić, gr. 4 A-C), and finally, for the first time very intensively during the Romanization of Liburnians. Newly discovered cremations in ceramic urns (gr. 3, 13) in burial mound 13 (9th – 6th cent. BC) from Nadin near Benkovac are the first example (after Dragišić) of Liburnian cremation; more precisely, burial mound 13 with 19 graves represents a form of biritualism in the Liburnians. It is also an example of the greatest number of Liburnian burials under a mound, with crouched, extended and cremated skeletons and many ritual remains (traces of fire on the ground and on animal bones: funerary feast?; numerous remains of ceramic vessels (libation?). Although typical Liburnian burial "inherits" many formal and symbolic elements (stone cist, enclosing wall, libation, etc.) from the (Early) Bronze Age (and probably Eneolithic as well), cremation in the Liburnian burial mound 13 from Nadin cannot be explained in terms of continuity from the Early Bronze Age; links are missing, particularly those from the Middle Bronze Age in the study of the cultural dynamics of the 2nd millennium BC in the northern Dalmatia region. Squat form of the Nadin urns with a distinct neck has analogies in the Liburnian (Nin) and Daunian funerary pots for burying newborns (ad encytrismos), and also in the typology of pottery (undecorated or decorated) in a wider region (Ruše, V.Gorica, Dalj/Vukovar, Terni II, Este, Bologna I-II, Roma II, Cumae I, Pontecagnano IA, Histrians, etc.), i.e. in the forms widespread from the Danubian region, Alps, and Balkans to the Apennine Peninsula between the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (10th/9th – 8th cent. BC). Although appearance of cremation in the Picenian culture has not been completely clear (Fermo necropolis, burials from Ancona, Numana, Novilara: graves Servici, 29, 39 from Piceno II-III, from the 8th/7th.cent. BC), Liburnian culture is most similar to the Picenian culture in the Adriatic world by the intensity and period of cremation, and form of urns. Specifically, decorated urn in a male grave 52 from Numana from the 9th century BC is analogous to the Nadin urns. This grave from Numana is usually mentioned as an example of trans-Adriatic, Picenian-Liburnian (Balkanic) i.e. Picenian-Histrian relations. Liburnian urns are similar to the urn from the grave in Numana, 495, Davanzali, from the late 9th century by their profilation. "Genesis" of both Liburnian and Picenian cremation is unknown. They are two convergent phenomena, reflecting the "unity" of the late Urnenfelder world of the 10th/9th centuries BC and resulting from cultural-ethnical contacts in a "closed circle" from the Danubian region – southeastern Alpine region – Apennine Peninsula, supported by smaller migrations in the first centuries of the Iron Age, from the trans-Adriatic direction in Picenum (with definite Villanova influence), and in Liburnia probably from the hinterland. In this Adriatic circle in the first centuries of the Iron Age multiple cultural contacts between Liburnians, Histrians and Picenians are for now a good (initial) context for a more detailed interpretation of Liburnian cremation. Despite the aforementioned, it is not necessary to relate directly the structure (ritual, goods) of gr. 52, Numana – Qualiotti to Histrian patterns nor the grave 495, Numana-Davanzali to the Iapodian ones. Cremated Liburnian burial from the Early Iron Age represents a certain continuity and a "reflection" of the late Urnenfelder circle, which was manifested in different ways in the beginnings of the Liburnian, Picenian, and Histrian cultures and elsewhere. The latest excavations on a planned Liburnian-Roman necropolis in Nadin (Nedinum) provided us with new information about the spatial, chronological and symbolical relation (religious, social) between the autochtonous Liburnian and Roman component in the period of Romanization of northern Dalmatia.


Zephyrvs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 87 ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Francisco B. Gomes

In the past few years, deeply colored black-appearing glass has garnered a growing interest in the context of research on Iron Age glass technology and trade. The numerous ‘black’ glass beads found in Early Iron Age contexts of Southern Portugal have not however been considered in this discussion, and they remain largely unsystematized. In this contribution, a typological survey of these objects is presented which highlights their unusual concentration in a well-delimited area of Southern Portugal and their relatively circumscribed chronological setting. This is particularly striking when compared with other groups of beads, namely blue beads of various types, which are much more widespread and long-lasting. The global position of these beads is also considered, with typological comparisons and the few available compositional data suggesting that they may be the product of Punic, and perhaps specifically Carthaginian trade with the Western Iberian Peninsula. Finally, the possible specific historic context in which these beads arrived in Southern Portugal is considered.  


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