scholarly journals Leadership In Time of Crisis: The COVID-19 Pandemic in Japan and Reflections for Malaysia

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danial Azman ◽  
Asmadi Hassan

The 2019 Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak was one of the most massive pandemics in history, with over 29.6 million people infected, including over 400,000 cases in Japan. This article describes the leadership tasks in a time of crisis during the different stages of Japan’s COVID-19 strategy under Shinzo Abe and Yoshihide Suga's leadership. Our aim is to formulate lessons from Japan for Malaysia. Shallow assessments of leadership performance often accompany the deeply rooted belief in the importance of political leadership. Such reviews never arrive more quickly than in the wake of crises - dramatic disasters of COVID-19 cases and Abe's resignation from the prime minister post. While symbolic performance is necessary (if only because it can arouse the public), it is one of the plausible avenues for the public to express their political judgements upon leadership in a time of crisis. In this article, we adopted a qualitative method of library research and highlights the many expected tasks of Japanese prime ministers to perform, and we offer a lesson for Malaysia in times of crisis

Author(s):  
Patrick Weller

Prime ministers are the key campaigners for their governments, not just in electoral campaigns, but every day and in every place. Media management has become a continuing and significant part of the prime ministers’ activities; it is a daily, indeed an hourly, pressure. Speeches have to be planned. The pressure has changed the tone and priorities of governing. It has dangers as well as benefits. Media demands have become more immediate, more continuous, and more intrusive. Prime ministers must respond. The same technical changes allow prime ministers to interact with their voters in a way that bypasses journalists and other intermediaries. They are writ large in campaigns. They are never out of mind or out of sight. Re-election is always a consideration for tactics and strategy. The public leader, the ‘rhetorical prime minister’, is shaped by the demands of the media and organized by the technological capacity.


Author(s):  
Dete Konggoro ◽  
Dwi Kusuma Yuniarti ◽  
Maryaningsih

This study aimed to investigate the implementation of social responsibility in a broadcasting program Coffee Morning in programa 2 LPP RRI Bengkulu. This study used qualitative method, where the informants in this study was the Head of Press LPP RRI Bengkulu, Kasubsi Programa 2 LPP RRI, Stage Manager, Presenter, Presenter dialogue. Primary data in this study was obtained from interview to the informants, and secondary data obtained through library research. This study found that the implementation of social responsibility in a broadcasting program Coffee Morning in Programa 2 RRI Bengkulu LPP has been carried out based on the legal framework and institutions, meet the high standards of professionalism and information, correctness, accuracy, objectivity and balance, avoiding anything that might induce crime, detriment, public disorder or insult against ethnic or religious minorities, seeks to reflect the plurality and diversity of society, set high achievement standards, and intervention can be justified to safeguard the public interest. In other words, the implementation of this program fulfills a social responsibility towards the community listeners.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörn Dosch

The foreign policy style of Malaysia’s fourth prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003), was controversial in many instances, but the country’s influence and leverage in regional and global affairs had been remarkable for a country of its size. Despite initial outcries within Malaysia’s neighbourhood, Mahathir’s contributions to a wider East Asian regionalism are a lasting legacy. In the decade that has passed since Mahathir stepped down, Malaysia’s international relations have rarely made the global headlines. Does the legacy of Mahathirism live on in Malaysia’s foreign policy, or does the seeming absence of bold and pro-active initiatives indicate a substantive change of style and direction? The prime ministers since 2003, Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak, have lacked Mahathir’s hegemonic status in policy-making, and this has inevitably led to a de-personalisation and institutionalisation of foreign affairs. At the same time both administrations have continued Mahathir’s practice of keeping foreign affairs out of the public domain as much as possible, in order to reduce the influence of domestic interests and debates on foreign policy matters.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-259
Author(s):  
Nurlaili Nurlaili

Money waqf can be used to overcome socio-economic problems that occur in Indonesia, this should be an opportunity to respond to the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. As stated in the maqasid sharia concept, responding to a pandemic requires strategic and clear goals. This research paper aims to analyze whether the use of cash waqf has been optimally utilized or not at the time of covid 19, as well as cash waqf in terms of maqasid shariah. This study uses qualitative methods, using descriptive analysis in library research. The results of this study indicate that the use of cash waqf in Indonesia is still not optimal in overcoming the impact of this pandemic, there are several regions that still do not feel the distribution of the use of cash waqf. From the maqasid shari'ah point of view, the use of cash waqf is in accordance with As-Syatibi's description of the three mandatory concepts, namely "dharuriyah, hajiyah and tahsiniyah". This study provides advice to stakeholders such as scholars, universities, or schools and the government together provide understanding to the public regarding money waqf, with the many understandings of money waqf in Indonesia, of course adding nominal cash waqf funds to be utilized according to socio-economic needs in Indonesia and can make social networks to help micro-communities in need Keywords: Waqf money, covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia, Maqasid Shari'ah   ABSTRAK. Waqf uang dapat diperuntukan mengatasi masalah sosial-ekonomi yang terjadi di Indonesia, hal ini harusnya dapat menjadi sebuah peluang untuk merespons dampak dari pandemic Covid-19. Sebagaimana tertuang dalam konsep maqashid syariah, merespons pandemi membutuhkan tujuan yang strategis dan jelas. Makalah penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penggunaan waqf uang telah dimanfaatkan secara optimal atau belum pada saat covid 19, serta waqf uang ditinjau dari maqasid shariah. Pada penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan menggunakan analisis-deskriptif pada penelitian library research (kepustakaan). Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa penggunaan waqf uang di Indonesia masih belum optimal dalam mengatasi dampak dari pandemi ini, terdapat beberapa daerah yang masih belum merasakan pemerataan dari pemanfaatan waqf uang. Dari sudut maqasid shari’ah, penggunaan waqf uang telah sesuai dengan uraian As-Syatibi tentang tiga konsep wajib, yaitu “dharuriyah, hajiyah dan tahsiniyah”. Penelitian ini memberikan saran kepada stakeholder seperti para ulama, universitas atau sekolah dan pemerintah bersama-sama memberikan pemahaman kepada masyarakat terkait wafqf uang, dengan banyaknya pemahaman waqf uang di Indonesia tentu menambahkan nominal dana waqf uang untuk dapat dimanfaatkan sesuai dengan kebutuhan sosial-ekonomi di Indonesia dan dapat menjadikan jaringan sosial untuk membantu masyarakat mikro yang membutuhkan. Kata kunci: Waqf uang, pandemi covid-19 di Indonesia, Maqasid Shari’ah


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jess Booker

<p>Political leadership has been a nebulous concept in New Zealand, one that has grown and changed as we have matured as a nation. Scholarship on political leadership in New Zealand has also matured, particularly over the last several decades, to now stand in its own right. Absent from this scholarship, however, has been a focus on what our leaders do after leaving office and why they undertake such activities. This thesis looks at the collective activities of New Zealand’s Premiers and Prime Ministers from 1856-2008. Drawing upon the influence of both individual and situational variables, it highlights a series of patterns within three distinct groups of leaders. Firstly, the Colonial Premiers (1856-1893), who carved out a range of post-leadership activities, though the choice of many of these activities often reflected a need to stabilise their financial position, which had deteriorated during their time as Premier. The Kiwi Prime Ministers (1856-1960), whose choice of post-leadership activities was marked by the transformational events occurring during their lifetime: two World Wars, a Great Depression and a series of significant industrial disputes. Many of these 20th century Prime Ministers suffered significant physical or psychological decline during their time in office. Finally, the Modern New Zealand Prime Ministers (1960-2008) have set a distinct new trend in post-leadership activity. Though some have still suffered from the emotional and physical demands of office, many leaders within this cohort have used their time as Prime Minister as a stepping-stone to greater activities upon leaving office. This trend, noticeable in our last five Prime Ministers, is important in that signals that post-leadership activities will now become a significant feature of a leader’s lifetime. Yet these illustrious post-political careers have occurred mainly outside of New Zealand, or behind the closed doors of the business world. This thesis suggests that we are losing a rich societal asset by not drawing upon the distinct skills and experiences of our former leaders and enabling them to become elder statesmen and women. The presence of such a community could contribute greatly to the future, as New Zealand navigates it way through debates of national significance and future crises.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-262
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri

Military interference in politics in Turkey resumed with an outright military coup on July 15, 2016, but the Coup failed. The Turkish military has always successfully conducted coups, both directly and indirectly, which occurred in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. From these problems, The study aims to analyze the causes of the failure of the 2016 coup and describe the causes of the Coup and compare the 2016 coup with the 1960 and 1980 direct coups. A qualitative method was used in this research by conducting literature studies and data sourced from scientific journals, news reports, articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the failure of the military Coup in 2016 was due to rejection from the community but also the failure of the coup group to arrest key government actors such as President Erdogan and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim. The failure to arrest these key actors enabled them to mobilize the masses against the coup group, as did President Erdogan, who announced his rejection of the Coup through FaceTime broadcast by CNN Turk and invited the public to reject the Coup. Binali Yildirim also rejected the same problem. This is one of the factors that led to the descent of Turks to the streets against the coup attempt. Even though seeing the previous Coup, the military always received support from the Turkish people. In addition, there is also the role of technology that connects key actors with Turkish society. This research explains the important role of key state actors in countering military coups and provides an overview of ways for civilian governments and the general public to resist military coups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alif Ulfa

Bank Syariah Indonesia (BSI) was born from the merger of 3 state-owned Islamic banks (BUMN), namely PT Bank BRI Syariah Tbk (BRIS), PT Bank BNI Syariah (BNIS), and PT Bank Syariah Mandiri (BSM). BSI is the government's strategy to make Indonesia one of the world's Islamic financial centers. This study focuses on aspects affected by the merger of 3 Islamic banks, such as customers, employees, and the community. This study uses a qualitative method with a library research approach. The data used is secondary data, namely data sourced from existing literature or references. The results of the merger have an impact on several elements such as customers, employees, and the community. a) Customers can still transact using card-based electronic money. Customers only need to do bank migration, b) Employee status from BNI Syariah, BRI Syariah, and Bank Syariah Mandiri remains an employee of Bank Syariah Indonesia and there will be no termination of employment, c) Bank Syariah Indonesia (BSI) educates the public by launching a Sharia Economics literacy program and accelerating the completeness of the halal value chain in the development of the halal industry, financing UMKM supporting it, and participating in financing large-scale projects using sharia schemes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-144
Author(s):  
Diana Khotibi

A Discourse on gender is still a controversial issue today. The emergence of various inequalities in society as well as majority injustice occurs in women. The differences in roles between men and women also characterize the culture in society. The role of women is considered limited in the domestic realm, taking care of their children and husbands, while men are not limited. Religion is accused of being one of the causes for the differences between men and women. Therefore this thesis focuses on: (1) How do Amina Wadud and Zaitunah Subhan interpret the verses on women's freedom? (2) What are the similarities and differences in the interpretations of Amina Wadud and Zaitunah Subhan? This study uses a qualitative method with library research techniques or library research, which collects a variety of literature such as books, journals, theses, and theses that are in accordance with the topic of discussion. The results of this study include (1) interpreting the pronunciation of qawwamun in QS. al-Nisā: 34 Amina, interpreting as a leader. By setting two conditions, men have advantages over women. Second, provide for his wife with his own assets. While the meaning of the verse is to imply the functional relationship between men and women. Meanwhile, Zaitunah interprets the pronunciation of qawwāmūn as protector, or person in charge. Regarding nuzhūz, Amina interpreted it as a hormonal disorder, while oliveah interpreted nuzhūz as defiance related to the relationship between humans and their gods. Regarding the progress of women in the public domain, Amina and Zaitunah agree that women should be given the same opportunity to develop themselves. Biological differences according to the two are not reasons in limiting women's movement space. (2) in interpreting the verses Amina and Zaitunah use different methods. Amina Wadud used her hermeneutic method while Zaitunah Subhan used the maud}ū'ī(thematic) method 


Focaal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (67) ◽  
pp. 123-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommaso Bobbio

This article proposes a non conventional analysis of the most significant phenomenon that has marked Indian political life in the past decade. The electoral competition for the 2014 general election is played around two main elements, namely, the selection of convincing prime ministerial candidates and the definition of electoral coalitions. In this perspective, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the main party of the right-wing coalition (National Democratic Alliance, NDA), has taken a decisive step by selecting Narendra Modi as its front man for the electoral campaign, and thus the “natural” candidate for the post of prime minister in case of success. A highly controversial figure, Modi polarized the public debate for over a decade: he is either considered a fascist politician or he is praised for the high economic growth rates achieved by the state under his government. This article proposes to move beyond such a dichotomy to highlight Modi's complexity and success in promoting a political culture that merged religious traditionalism and neoliberal economic arguments. Whether his coalition will win the election or not, and whether he will become the next prime minister or not, is greatly significant to the future of India and to the possibility of the many contradictions and diversities that underpin the Indian democracy being conciliated.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
IKUO KABASHIMA

When the last opinion polls were published one year ago, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi was enjoying a high approval rate despite Japan's poor economic performance. The poll conducted in June 2003 showed that 48.2% of the public supported the Koizumi administration, which is an exceptionally high number in comparison with the approval rates of historical LDP prime ministers and their cabinets. Only 29.5% of those polled expressed dissatisfaction with the administration. Today, however, public support for Koizumi is on a sudden decline. Just as Koizumi's managed to sustain public support throughout 2003, his loss of support in 2004 manifests a peculiar quality; he is now losing popularity despite Japan's significant economic improvement.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document