scholarly journals Medicalisation

2006 ◽  
Vol 05 (01) ◽  
pp. C02 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Colucci

Medicalisation means first of all a science – medicine – going beyond its boundaries: from the art of healing individuals, or systematically classifying useful information to treat diseases affecting individuals, it gradually turns into a pervasive development of knowledge and practices that, from the 18th century onward, are applied to collective issues, which traditionally are not regarded as medical issues, thus moving toward large-scale protection of the social body health. The physical wellbeing of people, as well as the protection and improvement of their health condition, become one of the main objectives of the political power, which aims not only at dealing with social marginalisation and poverty to make them productive, but also at “planning society as sphere of physical wellbeing, optimal health and longevity”.

Author(s):  
Kélina Gotman

The emergence of crowd theory in nineteenth-century sociology provided a new language for thinking how unruly bodies gather together organically. Drawing on the first large-scale biohistories of the French Revolution, made possible through documents unveiled at the Archives Nationales, theories of crowds, revolutionary and disordered, animal, automatic and ecological, spawned a genealogy of thinking about the way individuals’ movements were rendered—it was thought—primitive in groups. From the ‘Jerks’ in Kentucky and Tennessee to episodes of falling, starting, ticking, and jumping in hospitals, factories and lumber camps, the ‘social body’ appeared to be teetering out of choreopolitical control. Bacchantic drunkenness, like childlike play, epitomized thoughtless imitation and epidemic enthusiasm according to social scientists and neurologists concerned with the political effects of social contagion. Rapidly proliferating automatic gesture provoked crowds, they wrote, to form and significantly to deform—to disorganize—the political, social, and economic spheres, revealing a demos in disarray.


Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Flinders Petrie

When we look at the great diversity of man’s activities and interests, it is evident how much space they afford for reviewing his history in many different ways. To most of our historians the view of the political power and course of legislation has seemed all that need be noticed; others have dealt with history in religion, or the growth of mind in changes of moral standards, as in Lecky’s fine work. In recent years the history of knowledge in medicine, in the applied sciences, and in abstract mathematics, has been profitably studied, as affording the basis of civilization. The purely mental view is shown in the social life and customs of each age, and expressed in the growth of Art. This last expression of man’s spirit has great advantages in its presentation; the material from different ages is of a comparable nature, and it is easily placed together to contrast its differences. Moreover it covers a wider range of time than we can et observe in man’s scope, but it is as essential to his nature as any of the other aspects that we have named.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Hanson

The Muslim social movement known as the fergo Nioro provides a case of popular elaboration of the message of a leader of jihad. Umar Tal's call to holy war led to the conquest of Karta in the mid-1850s, and his call to hijra resulted in the migration of perhaps 20,000 Senegal-valley Fulbe to form a Muslim settler community. In the years after Umar's departure from Karta in 1859, military leaders and others in the Fulbe settler community sent envoys to recruit additional settlers from the Senegal valley. At least 16,000 and perhaps as many as 30,000 Fulbe responded to this recruitment effort and left Bundu, Futa Toro and the lower Senegal valley between 1862 and 1890. Two periods of more massive migration coincided with the residence at Nioro of Amadu Sheku, Umar's son and designated successor. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, a cholera epidemic swept up the Senegal valley, claimed thousands of victims, and encouraged Fulbe to leave the region for Karta. During the mid-1880s, French policies in the Senegal valley, notably the emancipation of slaves and moves to halt Fulbe raids in the lower Senegal valley, influenced the social movement.In both periods of large-scale migration and at other times, the Umarian envoys constructed an appeal which elaborated and even transformed Umar's call to hijra. Umar's insistence on holy war was a dominant theme in all periods, and resonated with the young men who left the valley in hopes of accumulating wealth through warfare. His condemnation of French influence in the Senegal valley was also expressed in the Arabic letters delivered by envoys. Umar's emphasis on the cutting of social bonds was not emphasized, as Fulbe settlers sought to attract relatives and neighbors to the new Fulbe communities in Karta.


Vista ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Giuseppina Raggi

Giuseppe Trono’s painting in the Bemposta chapel, produced in 1791-1792, is the most representative artwork related to the social policies implemented by the Queen Mary I. This article focuses on the historical and artistic analyses to frame the political and religious context, and to clarify its misunderstood iconography. The cult of the Sacred Heart, instituted in 1779 by Pope Pius VI, is crucial to reframe the meaning of the painting. The new approach offers an original interpretation of the black woman who is represented in it. Her identity and biography are brought to the light. Her subjectivity is compared to the more known biographies of the enslaved black dwarfs, who lived at the Portuguese royal court, mainly the female dwarf Rosa of the Sacred Heart, portraited in Mascarada Nupcial by José Conrado Roza (1788). Her in/visibility is compared, also, to the ‘silence’ about the black presence in the painting The earthquake of 1755 by João Glama (2nd half of 18th century).


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S1) ◽  
pp. 488-495
Author(s):  
Mikhail Dmitrievich Schelkunov ◽  
Olga Olegovna Volchkova ◽  
Anton Sergeevich Krasnov

The article is devoted to the study of the normative and theological foundations of political power origin and belongs to the field of political theology research. Despite the narrow field of research, the work is devoted to the study of a separate aspect of social life as a whole. The study of the theological foundations of political power was carried out within the framework of the neoinstitutional methodological paradigm, taking into account the data of hermeneutic analysis, which is an applied aspect of the work. Political power is considered by the authors in the framework of a broader aspect - the ontology of the social, as part of the fundamental layer of being. The authors, within the framework of the theological paradigm, considered the main ontological concepts of the political, analyzed the correlation of key political concepts - "power", "authority", and "sovereign". Various positions on understanding the essence of political power, as well as on the origin of this phenomenon in the historical and theological key are considered, the points of view of both domestic and foreign experts are studied.


2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 248
Author(s):  
Muhammad Umer Hayat ◽  
Aleena Zaid

Modi’s leadership and governance pattern is a matter of consideration as concerned directly with styles of functioning of his adopted policies, which reflects his undertakings both in the social and political realm. This paper seeks to offer an alternative perspective in the domain of the rising threat of Hinduism, while the consolidation of the political power in India has been raising serious implications for Pakistan, in particular. It highlights the impact of all such harsh realist nuclear policies that may cause more complexities and further deteriorate the region's stability. This study deployed descriptive, analytical, and explanatory research techniques but to great extent, a major part consists of the descriptive study, which will be used when it comes to genesis and existing various scenarios. Findings also substantiate India’s intentions and the propaganda waged and all steps keenly targeting Pakistan. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) seems to be adopting new realist approaches deeply rooted with that of Kautilya’s. Therefore, the paper concludes that the rise of Hindu nationalists gets the support of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)-based concept demanding soft measures to lessen the worrisome environment causing by the Modi regime.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
N Murugesapandian

In Tamil Nadu, during the Sangam era, Vedic religion and other religions, namely, Jainism and Buddhism, were ideologically introduced. During that period, the social environment of the ethnic group was disintegrating, and the political spread of the Muventhar with the marginal kings was dominant. The land, symbolized by the Tamil language, is expanding and relating to politics. Rules and punishments created in the name of ethics were emphasized in the context of producing bodies that were pro-power. In the ethical texts, Thirukkural and Manu Dharma Shastra are important.The idea that lies in the aftermath of the Thirukkural rules that are celebrated as ethics is to be found. At the same time, the practice of Manu dharma, up and downs in the name of the birth, the inequality of the woman on the basis of gender. In Vedic religion the politics that have kept Bhramins at the top of the social stratum remain early to the present day. As far as Thiruvalluvar is concerned with the development of human beings, Manu has given rise to the social dominance of Varunasirama on the basis of birth. The essence of the article is the attempt to contain the political power that operates in the back of two different ethical literatures.


Author(s):  
Susan Visvanathan

This paper is concerned with the way energy requirements in the last three decades have seen a response from local communities who wish to express their love and longing for traditional occupations. Agriculture is a multi-faceted representation, and riverine civilisations have epitomised the relation between land, labour and production not just as a relation with technology and culture, but also in terms of the symbols of the sacred. With large scale over utilisation of resources and a lack of vision, the rivers are polluted. People’s movements draw on the work of scientists and those working in the Arts, including the Humanities and the Social Sciences to draw attention to the way in which petitions and protests communicate that politics is not merely about imposing ‘the good vision from above’ but is an interplay between the political, the legal, the socio-religious, the secular and the economic. In a democracy, politics is essentially about dialogue, and the rate of industrialisation may well be mediated by the power of the greens and environment movements, which have learnt their lessons from genocide of peasantry and tribals, and the mass exploitation of the resources of nature. The Sociologist attempts to document some of the shifts and evolving positions in this ongoing debate in India.


Author(s):  
N. Thomas Håkansson

The Pangani Valley region in northern Tanzania is dominated by an arc of highlands that stretch from Usambara to Arusha. In this region, ecotonal variations in environments have shaped—and were in turn shaped by—cultural, political, and economic forces. Since the early 18th century three major events and shifts in regional and world systems dynamics affected significant economic and political changes on the highlands. First, the international ivory and slave trade increased in volume and organization; second, this led to an expansion of specialized pastoralism through an increased availability of cattle in the region; and third, at the end of the 19th century the region was included into a colonial state. The populations of the highlands were all organized into patrilineages and patriclans. Sometime in the late 1600s or early 1700s, several of the kinship-based, highland communities developed into chiefdoms of varying sizes and degrees of stratification. The ability of a chief to maintain a rudimentary administration and political power depended on the possession of wealth in the form of livestock, rights in persons, and rights in land. A part of household production in the form of crops, livestock, and beer was transmitted from farmers to chiefs as tribute. The most valued part of the tribute was cattle, which the chief needed to build a large family, to obtain debt-clients, and as gifts to lineage heads and the young men who served as warriors. Thus, the political cohesiveness of chiefdoms was ultimately contingent on the chiefs’ abilities to control the flow of cattle and to supply these to local lineage heads and subchiefs. The political strategies that maintained stratification in the highlands varied between the different areas. On Kilimanjaro, politics among the Chagga was based on marriage arrangements, while in North Pare it was control of land and irrigation that were used for political purposes, and in South Pare and Usambara control over rain-making rituals provided the cultural justification for the centralization of power. Cattle were the main resource for implementing culturally defined political strategies. Their importance was exacerbated during the 19th century when increased political turmoil caused by participation in the coastal trade opened new avenues for access to wealth outside the kinship-based networks. As a result, new actors entered into competition for cattle and political power that resulted in increased tribute demands, as well as raiding and warfare.


1996 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Herrenschmidt

Dr. D.R. Ambedkar (18911956) was not just a politician of grand stature and from the untouchable caste. He was also a scholar, whose consistent and innovative thinking has hitherto been neglected. Ambedkar's lines of force are presented here, both in relation to his analytical critique of the organic metaphor of the social body as developed in brahmin texts, and of his definition of graduated inequality, a specific Hindu form, for which he developed the psychological as well as the political implications.


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