scholarly journals Jack Mosby en la revuelta de 1911 en Baja California

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Douglas Taylor Hansen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Baja California ◽  
Work Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
The World ◽  
Legal Defense ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
Partido Liberal Mexicano

Resumen:En el presente artículo se analiza el papel que desempeñó el estadounidense John R. Mosby, conocido popularmente como Jack Mosby, en la revuelta de 1911 en Baja California encabezada por Ricardo Flores Magón y el Partido Liberal Mexicano. Mosby fue uno de los personajes más interesantes y controvertidos de esta campaña. Militar de profesión, también era miembro de los Industrial Workers of the World (Trabajadores Industriales del Mundo), una organización laboral radical de Estados Unidos que contribuyó a la defensa legal de los miembros de la junta dirigente del PLM, acusados por las autoridades estadounidenses de haber violado las leyes de neutralidad. Se examina la postura de Mosby a lo largo de la lucha, incluyendo las raíces de su apoyo entre los hombres de la Segunda División de los grupos armados liberales en la Baja California, su decisión de sostener los principios de Ricardo Flores Magón y del PLM, así como su determinación de continuar la lucha en la región aun cuando la derrota era casi inevitable.Palabras clave: Mosby, Flores Magón, Sindicalismo, Partido Liberal Mexicano.Abstract:In this article the role played by John R. Mosby, an American popularly known as Jack Mosby, in the 1911 revolt in Baja California headed by Ricardo Flores Magón and the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) is analyzed. Mosby was one of the most interesting and controversial figures of this campaign. A soldier by profession, he was also a member of the Industrial Workers of the World, a radical work organization in the United States which contributed to the legal defense of the PLM leaders, which were accused by the American authorities of having violated neutrality laws. Mosby?s position throughout the struggle is examined, including the roots of his support among the Second Division of the armed liberal groups in Baja California, his resolution to support the principles of Ricardo Flores Magón and the PLM, as well as his determination to continue the struggle in the region even when defeat was almost inevitable.Key words: Mosby, Flores Magon, Tradeunionism, Partido Liberal Mexicano, Industrial Workers of the World.

Wobblies of the Partido Liberal Mexicano

2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devra Anne Weber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Institutional Approach ◽  
The World ◽  
Racial Ethnic ◽  
Partido Liberal Mexicano

This article examines the Mexican grassroots base of the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) and PLM members who belonged to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). It suggests that a grassroots perspective, one that is also multilingual and transnational, reframes both the PLM and the IWW. Eschewing an institutional approach, this perspective suggests that the organizational underbelly for much of this work rested with Mexican social networks that formed the labor crews, strikes, foci, and union locals. PLM supporters prepared for a Mexican revolution. Some of them did so while organizing IWW locals. Within the context of the intense migration of the period, labor and revolutionary foci moved across binational space, facilitating the spread of ideas, organizing, strikes, and revolutionary forays that were, in effect, binational “circularities of struggle.” These Wobblies of the PLM challenged industrial capitalism, questioned U.S. imperialism and racism, and helped launch the first social revolution in Mexico. This perspective reframes the IWW as one part of a spectrum of organizations attempting to counteract dispossession; yet it simultaneously reveals the organization as more expansive, diverse, multilingual, and transnational than previously presented. By decentering the United States and Europe, this Mexican perspective contributes to a re-envisioned transnational internationalist Left that includes the Americas and opens interpretative frameworks that cross gender, racial, ethnic, and national categories.

The Contours of Repression

2019 ◽  
pp. 184-208
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
World War One ◽  
International Borders ◽  
The World ◽  
Sedition Act ◽  
State And Local

This chapter examines the World War One period in which the federal, state, and local governments in the United States, in addition to non-state actors, created one of the most severe eras of political repression in United States history. The Espionage Act, the Sedition Act, changes to immigration law at the federal level, and state criminal syndicalism laws served as the legal basis for repression. The Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and other anarchists took different paths in this era. Some faced lengthy prison sentences, some went underground, while others crossed international borders to flee repression and continue organizing. This chapter examines the repression of radical movements and organizing continuities that sustained the movement into the 1920s.

Industrial Workers of the World

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Cole
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great Plains ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Labor Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
World War ◽  
American Federation ◽  
The World

Perhaps the most important radical labor union in U.S. history, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) continues to attract workers, in and beyond the United States. The IWW was founded in 1905 in Chicago—at that time, the greatest industrial city in a country that had become the world’s mightiest economy. Due to the nature of industrial capitalism in what, already, had become a global economy, the IWW and its ideals quickly became a worldwide phenomenon. The Wobblies, as members were and still are affectionately known, never were as numerically large as mainstream unions, but their influence, particularly from 1905 into the 1920s, was enormous. The IWW captured the imaginations of countless rebellious workers with its fiery rhetoric, daring tactics, and commitment to revolutionary industrial unionism. The IWW pledged to replace the “bread and butter” craft unionism of the larger, more mainstream American Federation of Labor (AFL), with massive industrial unions strong enough to take on ever-larger corporations and, ultimately, overthrow capitalism to be replaced with a society based upon people rather than profit. In the United States, the union grew in numbers and reputation, before and during World War I, by organizing workers neglected by other unions—immigrant factory workers in the Northeast and Midwest, migratory farmworkers in the Great Plains, and mine, timber, and harvest workers out West. Unlike most other unions of that era, the IWW welcomed immigrants, women, and people of color; truly, most U.S. institutions excluded African Americans and darker-skinned immigrants as well as women, making the IWW among the most radically inclusive institutions in the country and world. Wobbly ideas, members, and publications soon spread beyond the United States—first to Mexico and Canada, then into the Caribbean and Latin America, and to Europe, southern Africa, and Australasia in rapid succession. The expansion of the IWW and its ideals across the world in under a decade is a testament to the passionate commitment of its members. It also speaks to the immense popularity of anticapitalist tendencies that shared more in common with anarchism than social democracy. However, the IWW’s revolutionary program and class-war rhetoric yielded more enemies than allies, including governments, which proved devastating during and after World War I, though the union soldiered on. Even in 2020, the ideals the IWW espoused continued to resonate among a small but growing and vibrant group of workers, worldwide.

Economic Literature for Merchants: Handbooks, Dictionaries and Periodicals on Commerce during the 18th Century in Spain

2010 ◽  
pp. 99-132
Author(s):  
Jesůs Astigarraga ◽  
Juan Zabalza
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Labor Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Economic Literature ◽  
Constitutive Process ◽  
The World

This work outlines a profile of Daniel De Leon, one between the most charismatic and discussed American socialist leaders, deepening his ideological contribution to Marxist and Radical thought in the United States between the end of the Nineteenth Century and the begin of the Twentieth Century. In particular, this paper analyses the development of De Leon syndicalism theory, describing how he tried to realize it through the participation to the constitutive process of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) as well analyzing the reasons that subsequently induced him to break whit the same labor union organization.

Mexican Radicals and Traditionalists Unionize Workers in the United States

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Flores
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Mexican Culture ◽  
International Labor ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
The World ◽  
International Labor Movement

This chapter explains why Mexicans joined the CIO and compares the aspirations of radicals and traditionalists within the United Packinghouse Workers of America and the United Steelworkers of America. Radical Mexican nationalists entered the CIO, because they remained committed to building a broad and left-of-center international labor movement. By comparison, traditionalists supported the CIO, because they defined it as an alternative to the radical Industrial Workers of the World and Magonistas. Repulsed by postrevolutionary Mexican radicalism and anticlericalism, traditionalists naturalized as they joined the CIO, but they did not, however, sever their cultural ties to Mexico. By the 1950s, naturalized traditionalists had developed a deterritorialized brand of mexicanidad that celebrated aspects of Mexican culture but was devoid of any allegiance to the Mexican state. Mexican traditionalists were becoming Mexican Americans.

The World in a City

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Transnational Migration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Class Culture ◽  
The World ◽  
The Individual ◽  
United States Mexico

This book examines interracial labor and radical organizing in Los Angeles, California, and the United States/Mexico borderlands between 1900 and 1930. Domestic and transnational migration to Los Angeles—including from Europe, Asia, and Mexico—created one of the most racially diverse regions in the United States. Uneven regional economic development drove continued labor mobility for many working-class residents. The book documents a thread of working-class culture in which interracial solidarities formed to oppose capitalism, racism, and often the state itself. These solidarities flourished most frequently among workers with the most precarious employment and living situations, fueled by the ideals advanced in anarchism, socialist internationalism, the syndicalism of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM). This book uses the anarchist notion of affinity to frame its understanding of interracial organizing as the mobility of workers often made coalitions and solidarities short lived. Affinity frames the individual cooperative actions that shaped the social practices of resistance often too unstructured or episodic for historians to capture. This approach maintains focus on the continuity of organizing practices while tracing changing solidarities, associations, and organizations that formed and dissolved through struggle, repression, and factionalism. The radical practices that germinated in and near Los Angeles produced some of the broadest examples of interracial cooperation in U.S. history.

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