scholarly journals Legal and Security Issues Facing Hispanic Immigrants Coming to America

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. p1
Author(s):  
David P. Sosar

This paper focused on the democratic problems faced by Latin American nations. As a part of the third wave of democratic experiments, those in the Latin American nations created few successes. It was not only the lack of successful democracies, and it was the denigration of government and life in countries such as Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. Drug cartels and their violence and deaths forced many immigrants to leave their homeland and travel to America. At the same time, the trip was, in many ways, as tricky as immigrants from centuries ago faced. Once they arrived in the U.S., immigrants found that life was not what they had expected. The cultural shock many faced in the prejudice, discrimination, and the lack of social justice were a few of their problems. In ways, the criminal justice system was and is still unprepared to deal with the cultural differences newcomers bring to America. The issue of this paper brings the issue from democracy lost to democracy in America for newcomers. The question occurs, can we do better than we have thus far. 

Author(s):  
O. V. Varentsova

Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neoliberal reforms inspired by Washington Consensus. This article presents common characteristics of Latin American populist regimes that emerged in different historical periods which help identify the origins as well as distinctive features of Venezuelan and Bolivian political regimes. It is stated that the Châvez and Morales left populist regimes resemble classic populist regimes in that they rely on incendiary anti-establishment discourse. Therefore, left populist regimes are characterized by high levels of polarization as well as weak institutionalization and class or indigenous orientation. Election of left populist leaders may lead to institutional deadlock, uneven playing field and transition to competitive authoritarianism.


Author(s):  
Leiv Marsteintredet

Latin America holds a 200-year-long history of presidential constitutions. The region’s constitutional and democratic experimentation throughout history makes it an interesting laboratory to study the origins, development, and effects of presidential term limits. Based primarily on data from constitutions, this chapter provides an overview of presidential term limits in Latin America from independence until 1985. The chapter shows how term limits have varied across countries and time, and that the implementation of strict term limits often came as a reaction to prior dictatorial rules. Whereas both proponents and critics of consecutive reelection invoked arguments of democracy in their favour, the Latin American experience up until the Third Wave of Democracy shows that stable, republican, and democratic rule has only been possible under a ban on immediate presidential re-election.


Author(s):  
Laura Wills-Otero

Since the beginning of the third wave of democratization in the late 1970s, Latin American party systems have confronted several challenges, and they have frequently been transformed. There have been various types of changes. While some systems collapsed in the 1990s (e.g., Venezuela and Peru), others realigned (Colombia, Chile, and Uruguay), or expanded (Argentina and Mexico), or were able to become consolidated and ensure their stability over time (e.g., Brazil). What factors explain the transformations in party systems during the past three decades, and how can Latin American party systems be classified according to their attributes? In trying to answer these questions, scholars of Latin America have undertaken studies that are both theoretically and empirically rich. Their work has increased our knowledge of the party systems and representative democracies in the region. Different factors have been highlighted in order to explain the changes these systems have undergone since the third wave of democratization. Some works emphasize the importance of institutional reforms introduced by politicians or by constitutional assemblies. The questions they address are the following: What political reforms have been introduced into Latin American political systems, and what effects have they had on the party systems in different countries? The researchers do not limit their attention to reforms of electoral systems. For example, some of them also study decentralization processes and their effects on party systems. From a different perspective, other authors focus on changes in electoral preferences and their effects on the configuration of political power, exploring how regional economic, political, and social changes have affected voter preferences and the political configuration of party systems. Still others consider the crises of democratic representation in these countries, underlining the decline in the programmatic character of parties as an explanatory variable for the crises and noting that the level of institutionalization of a party system declines when parties abandon this distinctive feature and become clientelistic or personalistic instead. On the other hand, in order to describe party systems and to observe the changes they have undergone, academics have proposed a set of concepts and measurements that make it possible to identify their levels of institutionalization (i.e., stability vs. volatility), nationalization, and programmatic structuration, among other aspects. The operationalization of these concepts has provided researchers with useful data for describing, comparing, and analyzing the party systems of the region transversely over time. Understanding the transformation and characteristics of Latin American party systems over time sheds light on both the progress democratic regimes have made and the setbacks they have suffered within specific countries and in the region at large.


Author(s):  
Nancy Shoemaker

This epilogue addresses how David Whippy, Mary D. Wallis, and John B. Williams—as they pursued respect in different ways—became party to the many changes taking place in Fiji due to foreign influence. Whippy, Wallis, and Williams were all involved, in one way or another, in the U.S.–Fiji trade. In the twentieth century, new incentives enticed Americans to Fiji. American global activism and private development schemes involved Fiji as much as other places around the world, and medical aid and research sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and a Carnegie Library at Suva introduced new forms of American influence in the islands. World War II, of course, brought Americans to the islands in droves. However, the main avenue by which Americans would come to Fiji was through the third wave of economic development that succeeded the sugar plantations of colonial Fiji: tourism. Now that the face of Fiji presented to the rest of the world evokes pleasure instead of fear, references to the cannibal isles have become nothing more than a nostalgic nod to Fiji's past. Previously considered a site of American wealth production, the islands have now become a site of American consumption.


Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Sasmita Gautam

While shaping an impression of the Third World from post-colonial, non-aligned to less developed states today, security concerns over the region, more or less, remained a status quo in a handful of international security scholars. This article explores various security challenges, including internal, regional, transnational and international of Asia, Africa and Latin American countries, the then considered Third World. Military interventions, illegal migration and narco-terrorism of Latin America; Demographic derivatives, ethnical conflicts and transnational organized crimes in Africa; Terrorism, failing states and climate security issues of Asia are considered to be key security concerns hereunder. This article aims to contribute towards building collective action for stabilizing and sustaining the world peace. It seeks to off er an alternative understanding of constantly evolving security dimensions. Some of those enshrined alternative practical approaches include confinement of military to external defense, Cartegena Declaration implementation for illegal migrants, Custom controls in drug trade, turning youth bulge to demographic dividend, inclusive participation of ethnic groups, technology enforced crime patrol, scooping out Islamism from terrorism, active participation of non-state actors in nation building and finally increased international collaboration eff orts with indigenous technical knowledge for resilient climate strategy Drawing on quantitative data from recognized platforms, elite interviews on security dialogues, reputed newspapers, e-books, and journal articles, this article confronts us with the necessity to fertilize fragile nations of the Third World against the backdrop of economic, social, political, cultural, and environmental origins.


2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 129-137
Author(s):  
John W. Harbeson

Abstract:Joel Barkan’s work as the U.S. Agency for International Development’s Regional Democracy and Governance Advisor for Eastern and Southern Africa brought both realism and conceptual strengthening to democracy promotion, most notably giving legitimacy and practical meaning to the concept of civil society as an essential dimension of democratization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 70-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

AbstractOne of the most significant developments in Latin American democracies since the beginning of the Third Wave of democratization is the rise to power of political outsiders. However, the study of the political consequences of this phenomenon has been neglected. This article begins to fill that gap by examining whether the rise of outsiders in the region increases the level of executive-legislative confrontation. Using an original database of political outsiders in Latin America, it reports a series of logistic regressions showing that the risk of executive-legislative conflict significantly increases when the president is an outsider. The likelihood of institutional paralysis increases when an independent gets elected, due to the legislative body's lack of support for the president and the outsider's lack of political skills. The risk of an executive's attempted dissolution of Congress is also much higher when the president is an outsider.


Author(s):  
Qiu Bin ◽  
Shao Q. Sun

This chapter discusses the importance of identifying cultural problems of the online globalization and points out that payment and logistic systems and language are the primary factors that every firm should take into account in the process of their online globalization. Next, the chapter identifies the characteristics and trends of the Internet and e-commerce in China. In the third part, the chapter differentiates e-commerce in the U.S. with China through analyzing Internet users’ behaviors especially their attitudes toward different payment systems in these two countries. Finally, it discusses how to remove language barriers to enhance net growth. In conclusion, this chapter will suggest some recommendations on how to expand business via the Internet by reducing the gap between the two cultures.


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