scholarly journals Reclutamiento de migrantes en la frontera colombo-venezolana

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Diego Alejandro Pérez Rivera

Recruitment has been a phenomenon present in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. Thus, illegal armed groups (ELN, dissent from the former FARC, paramilitary groups, drug traffickers, among others) have seen migration as an opportunity to increase the number of members in their ranks. Thus, the exodus of Venezuelans has become an attractive phenomenon for recruitment where armed groups take advantage of irregular dynamics and socio-territorial complexities to increase the range of action of attacks, fighting and presence. That said, the research question is: How has the flow of Venezuelan migrants on the Colombian-Venezuelan border contributed to the strengthening of illegal armed actors? Due to the lack of academic information, the investigation will use as collection instruments: interviews with academics, decision makers and journalistic work.

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-36
Author(s):  
Luis Gabriel Salas Salazar

Los recientes estudios e investigaciones del conflicto armado en Colombia han hecho referencia a la posible existencia de corredores y territorios estratégicos, no obstante, no han ofrecido evidencias concretas de su existencia, ni mucho menos han logrado caracterizar su territorialidad. El trabajo investigativo que aquí se presenta tuvo como objetivo analizar e interpretar la dinámica de las territorialidades de los corredores y territorios estratégicos de los actores del conflicto armado colombiano, en el periodo 1990-2009, desde una perspectiva de la Geografía Política. Las evidencias empíricas de esta investigación permiten establecer que la dinámica de las territorialidades de estos espacios estratégicos del conflicto armado colombiano se ha desplegado a través de tres niveles: en el nacional, en el regional y en el subregional-local. Para cada uno de ellos existe una dinámica territorial, en donde los actores armados han configurando una condición multiescalar de las territorialidades de los corredores y territoriosgeoestratégicos en Colombia.Palabras clave: Colombia, Conflicto Armado, Corredores Estratégicos,Geopolítica, Territorios estratégicos. Abstract Recent studies and investigations of the armed conflict in Colombia have made reference to the possible existence of corridors and strategic territories. However, have not offered concrete evidence of their existence, much less have they managed to characterize its territoriality. This researchwork’s aim is to analyze and interpret the dynamics of the corridors’ territories, as well as the Colombian armed actors’ strategic areas during the period of 1990-2009, from the Political Geography perspective. Empirical evidence from this research allows us to establish that the dynamics of the territoriality of these strategic areas of the armed conflictin Colombia, have been deployed across three levels: national, regional and local sub-regional. For each, there is a regional process, where armed groups have been setting up a multi-scale status of the corridors’ territories and geo-strategic areas in Colombia.Keywords:Armed Conflict, Strategic Corridors, Colombia, Geopolitical,Strategic territory.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEMIMA GARCÍA-GODOS ◽  
KNUT ANDREAS O. LID

AbstractIn a context of continuing armed conflict, a comprehensive scheme of transitional justice has been developed in Colombia since 2005 through the Law of Justice and Peace, with the aim of achieving peace with one of the armed actors in the conflict, the paramilitary groups. The clear link between the demobilisation of illegal armed groups and the rights of the victims is the main feature of the Colombian process. This article provides a systematic review of the implementation of the law, focusing on the institutions, mechanisms and procedures put in place to fulfil its goals. Emphasis is given to the legal category of ‘victim’, victims' rights and victim reparation measures. By exploring how the scheme works in principle and in practice, we are able to assess the prospects for victims' rights in Colombia today.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allard Duursma

While recent research focuses on why conflict parties attack peacekeepers, little attention has been given to other types of resistance against peacekeeping missions, such as intimidation and obstruction. It is argued in this article that one reason why peacekeepers are obstructed and intimidated is that armed actors that target civilians want to maintain the operational space to carry out attacks against civilians and want to prevent peacekeepers from monitoring human rights violations. A spatially and temporally disaggregated analysis on resistance against peacekeepers in Darfur between January 2008 and April 2009 indeed suggests that the intimidation and obstruction of peacekeepers is more likely to take place in areas with higher levels of violence against civilians. The findings hold when taking into account the non-random occurrence of violence against civilians through matching the data. Finally, anecdotal evidence from other sites of armed conflict than Darfur suggests that resistance against peacekeepers in these cases is also likely to be related to the targeting of civilians. This suggest that in order to be effective in protecting civilians, peace missions should not only be robust as highlighted in previous research, but peace missions should also develop an effective strategy to deal with armed groups that try to prevent peacekeepers from fulfilling their mandate.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 307-310
Author(s):  
Sandra Krähenmann

There seems to be a natural connection between armed conflict and terrorism: both involve acts of violence by nonstate armed actors. The acts of armed groups during armed conflicts are frequently labeled as acts of terrorism. Similarly, both international humanitarian law (IHL) and the international legal regime governing terrorism address acts of violence committed by nonstate armed actors. Yet, these superficial similarities obscure the significant conceptual differences between acts of violence in armed conflicts and those outside armed conflicts as well as the differences in the legal regimes governing them. Before turning to an analysis of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2178 (2014), it is necessary to briefly explain how IHL addresses acts of terrorism, followed by a brief description of the international treaty regime governing terrorism, including how this regime regulates its relationship with IHL.


Author(s):  
Andrés Aponte ◽  
Javier Benavides

El presente artículo tiene como objeto evidenciar que las comunidades y organizaciones sociales afectadas de forma severa y aguda por el conflicto armado y la violencia que estos ejercen, no solo se mueven al son de las balas; sino que éstas también adoptan posiciones que van más allá de la resistencia y la pasividad. En este orden, se quiere exponer cómo un caso concreto, las comunidades rurales de Tumaco, evidencian que la guerra también tiene legados “positivos” sobre las organizaciones sociales, que abarcan desde una amplia capacidad de negociación así como de adaptación a las normas y controles que ejercen los grupos armados. Esta experiencia deja en evidencia dos cuestiones de suma importancia para la actual coyuntura nacional: (1) que la guerra, fuera de todos los llamados legados negativos remarcados por los estudios especializados (tales como la anomia, desarticulación, desconfianza, etc.),se hacen presentes también unos legados asociados a una mayor capacidad de negociación e independencia de los pobladores y sus organizaciones frente a los actores armados luego de ciclos violentos; (2) y que la forma de relacionarse los actores armados con los pobladores locales depende no solo de sus políticas internas, sino también de la población presente y sus formas de apropiación territorial. En este sentido, este artículo es una hoja de ruta para remarcar la necesidad de que la llamada paz territorial debe incluir en ella la idea de transiciones diferenciados de acuerdo al carácter el grupo armado, así como la población inserta en el territorio.Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado, Pacífico nariñense, Organizaciones sociales y comunitarias, Economía cocalera posconflicto ABSTRACTTHE FARC AND THE COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS IN SAN ANDRÉS DE TUMACO: TERRITORIAL CHALLENGES BEFORE AN EVENTUAL IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AGREEMENTS OF HAVANAThe purpose of this article is to show that communities and social organizations that are severely and acutely affected by the armed conflict and the violence they carry out, not only move to the sound of bullets, But also adopt positions that go beyond resistance and passivity. In this order, we want to show how a specific case, the rural communities of Tumaco, show that war also has “positive” legacies on social organizations, ranging from a broad capacity for negotiation as well as adaptation to norms and controls Exercised by armed groups. This experience highlights two issues of great importance for the current national situation: (1) that war, apart from all the so-called negative legacies highlighted by specialized studies (such as anomie, disarticulation, mistrust, etc.), Also present legacies associated with a greater capacity for negotiation and independence of the villagers and their organizations vis-à-vis the armed actors after violent cycles; (2) and that the way armed actors relate to local people depends not only on their internal policies, but also on the present population and its forms of territorial appropriation. In this sense, this article is a road map to highlight the need for the so-called territorial peace to include in it the idea of differentiated transitions according to the character of the armed group, as well as the population inserted in the territory.Key words: Armed conflict, Nariño Pacific, Social and community organizations, Post-conflict cocaine economy


Global Jurist ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Santino Jr. Fulo Regilme ◽  
Elisabetta Spoldi

Abstract Despite the consolidated body of public international law on children’s rights and armed conflict, why do armed rebel groups and state forces deploy children in armed conflict, particularly in Somalia? First, due to the lack of alternative sources of income and livelihood beyond armed conflict, children join the army due to coercive recruitment by commanders of armed groups. Their participation in armed conflict generates a fleeting and false sense of material security and belongingness in a group. Second, many Somali children were born in an environment of existential violence and material insecurity that normalized and routinized violence, thereby motivating them to view enlistment in armed conflict as morally permissible and necessary for existential survival.


Author(s):  
Yutaka Arai-Takahashi

Abstract The requirement of organization is supposed to be of special importance in international humanitarian law (IHL). In the situation of international armed conflict (IAC), this requirement is implicit as part of the collective conditions to be fulfilled by irregular/independent armed groups to enable their members to claim the prisoners of war status under Article 4 A(2) of the Third Geneva Convention. In a non-international armed conflict (NIAC), the eponymous requirement serves, alongside the requirement of intensity of violence, as the threshold condition for ascertaining the onset of a NIAC. While the requirement of organization has not caused much of disputes in IACs, the international criminal tribunals have shown a willingness to examine scrupulously if armed groups in NIACs are sufficiently organized. Still, this article argues that there is need for a nuanced assessment of the organizational level of an armed group in some specific phases of the ongoing armed conflict whose legal character switches (from an NIAC to an IAC, vice-versa, and from a NIAC to a law-enforcement model). It explores what rationales and argumentative model may be adduced to explain such varying standards for organization in different contexts.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonjelle Shilton ◽  
Elena Ivanova Reipold ◽  
Albert Roca ◽  
Guillermo Z. Martínez-Pérez

UNSTRUCTURED Background: Accessible, safe and client-centred SARS-CoV-2 testing services are an effective way to halt its transmission. Testing enables individuals to isolate or quarantine to prevent further transmission. In countries with limited health systems and laboratory capacity, the provision of accessible and safe screening for COVID-19 is challenging. Self-testing provides a convenient, private and safe testing option. However, it also raises some important concerns relating to a lack of counselling and a clear pathway to ensure timely reporting of self-test results to national surveillance systems. Investigating community members’ views and perceptions is crucial to inform the most effective and safe strategies for implementing SARS-CoV-2 self-testing. Methods: This study will be conducted in nine countries: Brazil, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Peru, Philippines and South Africa. It is a multi-site, mixed methods, observational study that consists of two components: cross-sectional surveys and a qualitative inquiry among four respondent groupings: the general population, general population representatives, healthcare workers and decision-makers. Our main research question is how useful, and under which circumstances, would SARS-CoV-2 self-testing be for populations in low-resource settings, to diagnose and prevent the spread of SARS-CoV-2? The general population and the healthcare worker surveys will be analysed separately, using bivariate and multivariate inferential analysis and descriptive statistics. The qualitative inquiries, which will comprise semi-structured interviews and group interviews, will be audio recorded, transcribed and coded. Thematic analysis will be conducted. Discussion: The views and perceptions of local populations are crucial for leading the discussion around the safest strategies for implementing SARS-CoV-2 self-testing. This study intends to generate evidence about the different sociocultural specificities that may hinder or accelerate the widespread utilisation of SARS-CoV-2 self-testing. Dissemination of results will be via publications, presentations at conferences, and dissemination events specifically targeted at local decision makers, civil society and patient groups.


Author(s):  
Matthew R. MacLeod ◽  
Mark Rempel ◽  
Michael L. Roi

Joint exercises are vital to the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) meeting its readiness targets. However, CAF resources are often insufficient to participate in all candidate joint exercises. Many organizations face resource challenges. In the context of preparing the CAF for its mandated missions and operational tasks, this chapter addresses the following research question: How can the CAF get the most value out of its joint training resources? Using strategic analysis and operations research, the authors designed a value model to gauge a joint exercise's value and an optimization model to support decision makers when selecting a joint exercise portfolio. This chapter describes these models, presents an example of their application, and discusses future improvements.


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