scholarly journals Financing Politics in Indonesia

PCD Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Amalinda Savirani
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Cultural Capital ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

This paper aims to map out practices of political financing in Indonesia from the political to the socio-historical perspective. Arguing about the party financing and the corruption of politicians and the parties, this paper also proposes about strategies at the individual level for performing financing politics, as well as factors that help to explain their performance. It compares cases in three different periods of Indonesian history: the post-independence, the Suharto (New Order) era, and reformasi after the fall of Suharto in 1998. This paper discusses and analyses the financing politics belonging to the political and socio-historical perspective, the issue of financing politics, the results of mapping students theses from three universities in Java together with relevant papers by LIPI (the Indonesian Sciences Institute), and directly presents three case studies of individual performing financing politics. Two of the case studies concern with politicians from the post-independence and Suharto era, while the third concerns a member of the city of Solo's local parliament. This paper shows how financing politics would be no longer relevant, as the cultural capital, political capital, and social capital also may contribute in supporting one's political career.

IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN PENGARUSUTAMAAN GENDER (PUG) DIBIDANG PENDIDIKAN DI KOTA BOGOR

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Fini Pertiwi
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Secondary Education ◽  
Human Resources ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Work Units ◽  
Communication And Coordination ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

Gender Mainstreaming (PUG) is important to be implemented in a policy. This study aims to determine the implementation and obstacles of the Bogor mayor's regulations regarding PUG in secondary education in the city of Bogor. This is a qualitative research with case studies. Data collected by interviewing four person in education, excutive, and legislative background. Others data collected by literatur review from books and journals. The results show that the implementation of Bogor mayor's regulation No.42 of 2017 concerning General Guidelines for the Implementation of PUG in secondary education in the city of Bogor has not been maximal. The communication patterns, resources and dispositions or attitudes of the officials are not optimal to solve a gender biased as the problems. The obstacles in implementing the PUG program are; 1) PUG has only become a concern at the individual level or several work units and has not been comprehensive, 2) There are limited human resources in PUG implementing agencies in the education sector, as well as a lack of understanding of a gender- fair perspective, and 3) Communication and coordination aspects between teams are still lacking, and the absence of socialization for additional knowledge.  Pengarusutamaan Gender (PUG) penting untuk diterapkan dalam sebuah kebijakan, khusus dilingkungan pendidikan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui implementasi serta hambatan dari peraturan walikota Bogor terkait PUG pada lingkup pendidikan menengah di kota Bogor. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan studi kasus. Data penelitian dikumpulkan dengan mewawancarai empat informan dibidang pendidikan, eksekutif, dan legislatif. Data lain diperoleh dari studi literatur, baik buku ataupun jurnal dan dokumen pendukung lainnya. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa implementasi peraturan walikota Bogor No.42 tahun 2017 tentang Pedoman Umum Pelaksanaan PUG pada pendidikan menengah di kota Bogor belum maksimal. Pola komunikasi, sumber daya dan disposisi atau sikap aparat belum maksimal dan bertanggung jawab terhadap kebutuhan dan masalah pemahaman yang bias gender. Hambatan dalam implementasi program PUG dibidang Pendidikan tersebut adalah; 1) PUG baru menjadi kepedulian ditingkat individu atau beberapa unit kerja dan belum menyeluruh, 2) Adanya keterbatasan SDM di instansi penyelenggara PUG bidang pendidikan, serta kurangnya pemahaman akan perspektif adil gender, dan 3) Aspek komunikasi dan koordinasi antar tim masih kurang, serta ketiadaan sosialisasi untuk penambahan pengetahuan.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John West
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Literary History ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Religious Differences

Literary history often positions Dryden as the precursor to the great Tory satirists of the eighteenth century, like Pope and Swift. Yet a surprising number of Whig writers expressed deep admiration for Dryden, despite their political and religious differences. They were particularly drawn to the enthusiastic dimensions of his writing. After a short reading of Dryden’s poem to his younger Whig contemporary William Congreve, this concluding chapter presents three case studies of Whig writers who used Dryden to develop their own ideas of enthusiastic literature. These three writers are Elizabeth Singer Rowe, John Dennis, and the Third Earl of Shaftesbury. These case studies are used to critique the political polarizations of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century literary history and to stress instead how literary friendship crossed political allegiances, and how writers of differing ideological positions competed to control mutually appealing ideas and vocabularies.

scholarly journals Does workplace social capital protect against long-term sickness absence? Linking workplace aggregated social capital to sickness absence registry data

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie K. Hansen ◽  
Ida E. H. Madsen ◽  
Sannie Vester Thorsen ◽  
Ole Melkevik ◽  
Jakob Bue Bjørner ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Sickness Absence ◽  
Collective Good ◽  
Standard Deviation Increase ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Adjusted Model ◽  
Workplace Social Capital

Aims: Most previous prospective studies have examined workplace social capital as a resource of the individual. However, literature suggests that social capital is a collective good. In the present study we examined whether a high level of workplace aggregated social capital (WASC) predicts a decreased risk of individual-level long-term sickness absence (LTSA) in Danish private sector employees. Methods: A sample of 2043 employees (aged 18–64 years, 38.5% women) from 260 Danish private-sector companies filled in a questionnaire on workplace social capital and covariates. WASC was calculated by assigning the company-averaged social capital score to all employees of each company. We derived LTSA, defined as sickness absence of more than three weeks, from a national register. We examined if WASC predicted employee LTSA using multilevel survival analyses, while excluding participants with LTSA in the three months preceding baseline. Results: We found no statistically significant association in any of the analyses. The hazard ratio for LTSA in the fully adjusted model was 0.93 (95% CI 0.77–1.13) per one standard deviation increase in WASC. When using WASC as a categorical exposure we found a statistically non-significant tendency towards a decreased risk of LTSA in employees with medium WASC (fully adjusted model: HR 0.78 (95% CI 0.48–1.27)). Post hoc analyses with workplace social capital as a resource of the individual showed similar results. Conclusions: WASC did not predict LTSA in this sample of Danish private-sector employees.

Economic Crisis, Incumbent Performance and Regime Support: A Comparison of Longitudinal Data from West Germany and Costa Rica

1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven E. Finkel ◽  
Edward N. Muller ◽  
Mitchell A. Seligson
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Regime Support

While much is known about the effects of the economy on the popularity and electoral fortunes of political leaders, political scientists know very little about how economic decline and political performance influence support for the political regime and the stability of democratic systems. We use three cross-national longitudinal surveys to address this issue: two collected in Costa Rica in the midst of a severe economic crisis in the late 1970s and early 1980s; and one in West Germany during the recession of the mid-1970s. We show that in both countries, overall support for the political regime remained extremely high during the economic decline, while satisfaction with incumbent performance fluctuated much more sharply. Moreover, at the individual level, changes in satisfaction with incumbent performance were only weakly related to changes in regime support. These results provide strong evidence suggesting that if democracies enter economic downturns with initially high levels of regime support, they will be able to withstand even severe, prolonged crises of economic performance.

Social Capital and Diversity Generalized Trust, Social Cohesion and Regimes of Diversity

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 709-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Capital Social ◽  
Generalized Trust ◽  
Absolute Level ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level 3 ◽  
The Individual

Abstract.In recent years an impressive amount of evidence has been collected documenting a negative relationship between levels of ethnic diversity and social capital indicators, in particular generalized trust. In this article we raise a number of theoretical arguments that should be addressed before these findings can be generalized. First, it has to be remembered that most of these studies focus on generalized trust as a social capital indicator, while trust probably is most vulnerable for the effects of weakening homogeneity. Second, it is argued that in order to arrive at a better understanding of the relation between diversity and social capital, at least three intermediary variables need to be taken into account: 1) the question whether diversity entails segregation of networks at the individual level; 2) the increase in diversity rather than the absolute level; 3) the regimes societies use to govern diversity, and especially the variation with regard to the openness of these regimes. We close by exploring the suggestion that in more diverse societies, recognition of group differences and identities, and group relations based on equality-based concepts of reciprocity should be considered as potentially more meaningful strategies.Résumé.Dans les dernières années, une quantité impressionnante de preuves ont été rassemblées, qui documentent une relation négative entre le niveau de diversité ethnique et les indicateurs de capital social, en particulier la confiance généralisée. Dans cet article, nous soulevons un certain nombre d'arguments théoriques qu'il faut examiner avant de pouvoir généraliser ces résultats. D'abord il faut noter que la plupart de ces études se sont concentrées sur la confiance généralisée comme indicateur de capital social alors que la confiance est probablement particulièrement vulnérable aux effets d'une érosion de l'homogénéité. Deuxièmement, nous avançons que, pour mieux comprendre la relation entre diversité et capital social, trois variables intermédiaires au moins doivent être prises en considération : 1) l'existence d'une ségrégation des réseaux au niveau individuel du fait de la diversité; 2) l'augmentation de la diversité plutôt que son niveau absolu; 3) les régimes que les sociétés utilisent pour gouverner la diversité et surtout le degré d'ouverture de ces régimes. Pour finir, nous explorons la suggestion que, dans des sociétés plus diverses, la reconnaissance des différences et identités des groupes, et des relations inter-groupes basées sur des concepts d'égalité et de réciprocité devraient être considérées comme des stratégies potentiellement plus significatives.

Workplace Location and ICTs Substituting Travel

2010 ◽  
pp. 205-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greger Henriksson ◽  
Minna Räsänen
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Environmental Sustainability ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
Time Service ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Relations Of Power ◽  
Shed Light

This chapter is based on the assumption that keeping the number and length of business and commuting trips at reasonable levels could contribute to reaching targets of environmental sustainability. The authors highlight a couple of options for reducing or avoiding business trips and commuting through workplace location or improved use of communications. They present case studies concerning travel and communications, carried out by using diaries and interviews. They also present relevant literature on social practices and sustainability goals in relation to use of ICT. The aim is to shed light on variation in the use of travel and communications on an individual level in work life. The case studies illustrate that such variation is mainly due to the concrete practices involved in execution of professional duties and roles. Duties that involve a clearly defined end result or product being delivered regularly by the member of staff are correlated to clearly defined needs for communications. Less clearly defined end results of the work duties seem to make it harder for the individual to plan and perform communication and travel in a more energy saving way. The difference in professional duties can thus be expressed in terms of clarity and maturity. Another factor that affect who can replace travel with ICTs is relations of power, e.g., when a purchaser dictates the terms for a subcontractor concerning how and where to “deliver” his working time, service or product. The importance of clarity, maturity and power aspects means that professional practices need to be studied at a detailed level to find out who could substitute ICTs for travel and how this could be done.

scholarly journals The Role of Individual- and Contextual-Level Social Capital in Product Boycotting: A Multilevel Analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 949 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Zasuwa
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Sustainable Consumption ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Consumer Participation ◽  
Social Rules ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Consumer Activism ◽  
Country Level ◽  
The Individual

Product boycotts represent an important form of sustainable consumption, as withholding purchasing can restrain firms from damaging the natural environment or breaking social rules. However, our understanding of consumer participation in these protests is limited. Most previous studies have focused on the psychological and economic determinants of product boycotting. Drawing on social capital literature, this study builds a framework that explains how individual- and contextual-level social capital affects consumer participation in boycotts of products. A multilevel logistic regression analysis of 29 country representative samples derived from the European Social Survey (N = 54221) shows that at the individual level product boycotting is associated with a person’s social ties, whereas at the country level, generalized trust and social networks positively affect consumer decisions to take part in these protests. These results suggest that to better understand differences among countries in consumer activism, it is necessary to consider the role of social capital as an important predictor of product boycotting.

Citizens and Political Sophistication

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik Oscarsson ◽  
Lauri Rapeli
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Research Field ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sophistication ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Nuanced Understanding ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Changes Over Time

Political sophistication refers to the role of expertise and the use of information in the forming of political judgments. Citizens in a democracy need a sufficient level of political sophistication to make sense of politics and to hold office holders accountable. Most people do not seem to be as sophisticated as theory would expect, and political sophistication also seems to be very unevenly spread among individuals. The consequences for democratic governance continue to be a matter of much scholarly debate. Although most researchers agree that sophistication among citizens tends to be low, many issues in the research field are deeply contested. First, several concepts such as awareness, sophistication, and knowledge are used more or less interchangeably in analyses of the political competence of citizens. It is, however, unclear whether the terminology conceals essential conceptual differences. Second, the empirical strategy of using surveys to measure sophistication has been heavily criticized. For some, the survey is an unsuitable method because it measures the respondents’ ability to produce correct answers under suboptimal conditions, rather than measuring what they actually know about politics. For others, the survey questions themselves are an inadequate measure of sophistication. Third, it is not clear what the effects of citizens’ political sophistication or lack thereof are on democratic governance. According to one group of scholars, the aggregated opinions and electoral choices of democratic publics would not look very different even if they were more sophisticated. The opponents of this low-information rationality theorem claim that increases in citizens’ sophistication would lead to substantial differences in democratic output. In other words, perceptions of the significance of sophistication for democracy deeply divide scholars working in the field. There is less disagreement concerning the individual-level determinants of sophistication. Although being male, well educated, and in a socially advantaged position still stand out as the strongest predictors of high sophistication, recent findings provide a more nuanced understanding of how sophistication is distributed among citizens. In addition to many enduring disputes, some questions remain largely unanswered. Without cross-nationally standardized survey items, scholars have struggled to conduct comparative studies of political sophistication. Therefore, role of political institutions as facilitators of political sophistication is to some extent uncertain. Whether and how sophistication changes over time are equally important, but mostly unexplored, questions.

Political Agenda Setting and the Mass Media

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Individual

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.

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