scholarly journals Language of Grief and Body in Translation

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
Michelle Gil-Montero

  Argentina’s 1976-1983 military dictatorship was, in the words of scholar Marguerite Feitlowitz, "an intensely verbal takeover" (Feitlowitz 22). The language of the military junta was one that spun an illusion of reality out of abstractions and absolutes, while in fact, it cloaked real events to produce a culture of denial. I discuss my translation of María Negroni’s lyric novel about The Dirty War, The Annunciation, which enters the dysfunctional language of dictatorship as a site of poetic play. Negroni dramatizes how this language prohibits, above all else, grief. Specifically, it deploys a language of melancholy as a radical gesture in a linguistic-political context where the body, and the embodied, have disappeared. Drawing from passages in my translation I highlight translation as it participates in problems of loss, silence, and absence, and ultimately, as it performs the recuperative work of mourning.  

Author(s):  
Alfonso Macedo Rodrí­guez

ResumenRespiración artificial (1980) no sólo es una de las grandes novelas de la narrativa argentina de la dictadura militar que controló al paí­s entre 1976 y 1983, también es un referente polí­tico insoslayable que en cada nueva lectura plantea el problema de la memoria y la escritura como espacios de resistencia social. En este artí­culo se explorarán los textos previos que anuncianla publicación de la novela, así­ como el contexto polí­tico de censura, autocensura y persecución de los opositores al régimen dictatorial. Los textos que antecedierona la novela se publicaron en la revista Punto de vista, faro intelectual y polí­tico de aquella época, y cobran relevancia estética, historiográfica y polí­tica, ya que la lectura entre lí­neas de Respiración artificial permite eludir la censura pero también produce nuevase ingeniosas formas de renovación literaria.Palabras clave: Dictadura argentina, Ricardo Piglia, Respiración artificial, texto, contexto. AbstractRespiración artificial (1980) is not just one of the greatest novels of the Argentinian narrative of the military dictatorship that took control of the country between 1976 and 1983. It is also an unavoidable political reference that, in every new reading, reappraises the problems of memory and writing as spaces of social resistance. This paper explores the previous texts that announce the publication of the novel, as well as the political context of censorship, self-censorship and prosecution of the opponents of the dictatorial regime. The previous texts were published in Punto de vista Review, intellectual and political headlight of periodical publications of that time, and they acquire aesthetic, historiographical and political relevance, because the reading between lines of Respiración artificial eludes censorship, but also produces new and ingenious ways of literary renovation. Keywords: Argentinian Dictatorship, Ricardo Piglia, Respiración artificial, text, context. [1] Doctor y Maestro en Humanidades (Teorí­a literaria) por la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa. Coordinador de Investigación y profesor investigador de la Universidad La Salle Pachuca. Autor de diversos artí­culos de investigación sobre la narrativa de Ricardo Piglia y otros escritores hispanoamericanos en revistas especializadas.


1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-161
Author(s):  
Guillermo Martínez

Guillermo Martínez was born in Bahía Blanca, in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, in 1962, four years before General Onganía came into power. In 1982 he was awarded the first prize in the National Short Story Competition ‘Roberto Arlt’ for his book La jungla sin bestias (The Beastless Jungle); six years later he received the first prize from the Fondo Nacional de las Artes for his second collection of short stories, Infierno Grande (Vast Hell). His first novel, Acerca de Rodorer (Concerning Rodorer) was published in 1992. Martínez belongs to the generation of writers who grew up in the midst of the Argentina of the ‘dirty war’ between the military dictatorship and the guerrilla, a war that left the country shattered and from which Argentina has not recovered in spite of the present government's attempts to erase all memory of those past atrocities. The war did violence to everyone and everything, including the Argentine language. The writers of Martínez's generation were forced to reconstruct a tongue destroyed by the abuse of power, by irrational violence, by forced stupidity which infected words like a virus infects the blood. Their task was not only to bear witness and to build imaginary landscapes for their chronicles which are not, it must be said, mere documentaries. First they had to rescue the words themselves from debasement, using a pared-down, clear-cut language, free from the rhetoric, far-fetched metaphor and bombast so dear to the military heart.


Sederi ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 47-71
Author(s):  
John J. Joughin

This paper situates the work of Renaissance criticism as a type of belated work of mourning or memorial aesthetics. In particular I want to focus on the emergence of a supposedly “modern” form of subjectivity during the theorisation of Renaissance criticism in the eighties –its distinctiveness as well as its occlusions. For the purpose of this essay I take the work of the British critic Francis Barker as, in some sense, broadly representative of a trend in political criticism that was focused on a recovery of the lost significance of the body as a site of subjection. However, I will also argue that the relocation of the mind-body split in the first wave theorisation of Renaissance criticism needs to be read again. The founding dividuation of self in this early criticism is now often criticised for positioning the subject in reductively functionalist or mechanistic terms, as the product of the discourse of power/knowledge that produced it. However, in much of the work that we label cultural materialist or new historicist, the experience of dualism also secreted an ethical standpoint that is worthy of our re-evaluation. In particular, and in building on the insights of Gillian Rose and Judith Butler on mourning, I suggest that the lyrical contemplation of lost bodies in radical criticism implicates our ties to others, as well as the relational ties to others implicit in any political sense of community. In turn, this suggests a more sophisticated account of political subjectivity, as well as a potential reparation of the concept of a political self for radical criticism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Barros

AbstractThe standard account of military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) portrays the case as a personalist regime, and uses the dynamics associated with this type of regime to explain General Pinochet's control of the presidency, the enactment of the 1980 Constitution, and the longevity of military rule. Drawing on records of the decisionmaking process within the military junta, this article presents evidence for a different characterization of the dictatorship. It shows that Pinochet never attained the supremacy commonly attributed to him, that the commanders of the other branches of the armed forces retained significant powers, and that the 1980 Constitution was not enacted to project Pinochet's personal power. More generally, this study suggests that personal power is not a necessary condition for regime longevity; collective systems can also produce cohesion and stability.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Ana Guglielmucci ◽  
Luciana Scaraffuni Ribeiro

Efforts to classify the Punta Carretas Prison, repurposed as a shopping center, into a “site of forgetting” imposed through the logic of the market obscure the ongoing productivity of the place as a vehicle of memory linked not only to the military dictatorship but also to the privatization of public patrimony. They fail to account for the dynamic and complex process of construction of a common past resulting from direct confrontations between different sectors of Uruguayan society. The increasing politicization and spatialization of collective memory, focusing on past experiences of repression, overlook the link between memory, history, nation-state, museum, everyday life, people’s dreams, their sense of the future, and utopia. Los esfuerzos para clasificar la prisión de Punta Carretas (ahora transformada en un centro comercial) como un “lugar del olvido” impuesto por medio de la lógica del mercado ocultan la productividad en curso del lugar como vehículo de la memoria ligado no unicamente a la dictadura militar pero también a la privatización del patrimonio público. No toman en cuenta el proceso dinámico y complejo de la creación de un pasado común que es el resultado de los enfrentamientos directos entre diferentes sectores de la sociedad uruguaya. La creciente politicización y espacialización de la memoria colectiva, con el énfasis en las experiencias pasadas de represión, pasa por alto el vínculo entre la memoria, la historia, el estado nacional, el museo, la vida cotidiana, los sueños de la gente, el sentido del futuro y la utopía.


Author(s):  
Lia Zanotta Machado ◽  
Antonio Motta

Abstract The present article analyzes the challenges Brazilian anthropology faces in the current political context, marked by setbacks, intolerance, repression, and censorship relative to previously achieved democratic advances. Here, we reflect upon different dynamics in the field of anthropology in diverse political conjunctures in Brazil over the last five decades. The first section of the article analyzes the historical context in which Brazilian anthropology became institutionalized, during the military dictatorship. We then highlight the social engagement of anthropologists in the struggle for human rights during the re-democratization of Brazil in the 1980s and anthropologists’ participation (together with the groups they study) in the gradual implementation of “identity policies”. The second section evaluates the impact of these changes in the field of anthropology and the dilemmas experienced by anthropologists in the new context of political confrontation. The concluding section analyzes and interprets the neoconservative movement and the strategies and challenges anthropology faces in contemporary Brazil.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 246
Author(s):  
Alex Ricardo Bombarda

O objetivo deste artigo será discorrer acerca da participação de organismos internacionais na reforma promovida pelo Estado na área da educação durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985). Para viabilizar essa proposta, serão considerados os acordos MEC/USAID, focando, dentro dos limites deste artigo, as Leis 5.540/68 e 5.692/71. Além disso, será realizada discussão com base em autores que discutiram a crise que ocorreu no Brasil ao longo da década de 1960, com o intuito de compreendermos qual era o contexto econômico e político em que esses acordos foram firmados. A hipótese levantada é a de que esses organismos internacionais influenciaram – e ainda influenciam - de forma negativa a educação no Brasil e, além de criar empecilhos para que esse direito seja promovido segundo os pressupostos constitucionais da qualidade e da universalidade, contribuíram para o processo de precarização das condições de trabalho dos professores.Palavras-chave: Acordos MEC/USAID. Cidadania. Ditadura Militar.The Influence of International Agencies in Brazil: the MEC/USAID agreements in the context of the 1964 military dictatorshipABSTRACTThe purpose of this article will be to discuss the participation of international organizations in the reform promoted by the State in the area of education during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). In order to make this proposal feasible, the MEC / USAID agreements will be considered, focusing, within the limits of this article, Laws number. 5.540 / 68 and number. 5.692 / 71. In addition, discussion will be held on the basis of authors who discussed the crisis that occurred in Brazil throughout the 1960s in order to understand the economic and political context in which these agreements were signed. The hypothesis raised is that these international bodies influenced - and still influence - in a negative way the education in Brazil and, besides creating impediments for this right to be promoted according to the constitutional assumptions of quality and universality, contributed to the process of precariousness of teachers' working conditions.Keywords: MEC / USAID agreements. Citizenship. Military dictatorship.La Influencia de las Agencias Internacionales en Brasil: los acuerdos MEC/USAID en el contexto de la dictadura militar de 1964RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo será discurrir sobre la participación de organismos internacionales en la reforma promovida por el Estado en el área de la educación durante la dictadura militar (1964-1985). Para viabilizar esta propuesta, se considerarán los acuerdos MEC / USAID enfocando, dentro de los límites de este artículo, las leyes nº 5.540 / 68 y nº5.692 / 71. Además, se realizará discusión con base en autores que discutieron la crisis que ocurrió en Brasil a lo largo de la década de 1960 con el objetivo de comprender cuál era el contexto económico y político en que esos acuerdos fueron firmados. La hipótesis planteada es la de que estos organismos internacionales influyeron -y aún influyen- de forma negativa a la educación en Brasil y, además de crear obstáculos para que ese derecho sea promovido según los supuestos constitucionales de la calidad y de la universalidad, contribuyeron al proceso de precarización de las condiciones de trabajo de los profesores.Palabras  clave: Acuerdos MEC / USAID. Ciudadanía. Dictadura militar.


Somatechnics ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sherene H. Razack

Paul Alphonse, a 67 year-old Aboriginal died in hospital while in police custody. A significant contributing factor to his death was that he was stomped on so hard that there was a boot print on his chest and several ribs were broken. His family alleged police brutality. The inquest into the death of Paul Alphonse offers an opportunity to explore the contemporary relationship between Aboriginal people and Canadian society and, significantly, how law operates as a site for managing that relationship. I suggest that we consider the boot print on Alphonse's chest and its significance at the inquest in these two different ways. First, although it cannot be traced to the boot of the arresting officer, we can examine the boot print as an event around which swirls Aboriginal/police relations in Williams Lake, both the specific relation between the arresting officer and Alphonse, and the wider relations between the Aboriginal community and the police. Second, the response to the boot print at the inquest sheds light on how law is a site for obscuring the violence in Aboriginal people's lives. A boot print on the chest of an Aboriginal man, a clear sign of violence, comes to mean little because Aboriginal bodies are considered violable – both prone to violence, and bodies that can be violated with impunity. Law, in this instance in the form of an inquest, stages Aboriginal abjection, installing Aboriginal bodies as too damaged to be helped and, simultaneously to harm. In this sense, the Aboriginal body is homo sacer, the body that maybe killed but not murdered. I propose that the construction of the Aboriginal body as inherently violable is required in order for settlers to become owners of the land.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-113
Author(s):  
Obert Bernard Mlambo ◽  

This article examined attitudes, knowledge, behavior and practices of men and society on Gender bias in sports. The paper examined how the African female body was made into an object of contest between African patriarchy and the colonial system and also shows how the battle for the female body eventually extended into the sporting field. It also explored the postcolonial period and the effects on Zimbabwean society of the colonial ideals of the Victorian culture of morality. The study focused on school sports and the participation of the girl child in sports such as netball, volleyball and football. Reference was made to other sports but emphasis was given to where women were affected. It is in this case where reference to the senior women soccer team was made to provide a case study for purposes of illustration. Selected rural community and urban schools were served as case references for ethnographic accounts which provided the qualitative data used in the analysis. In terms of methodology and theoretical framework, the paper adopted the political economy of the female body as an analytical viewing point in order to examine the body of the girl child and of women in action on the sporting field in Zimbabwe. In this context, the female body is viewed as deeply contested and as a medium that functions as a site for the redirection, profusion and transvaluation of gender ideals. Using the concept of embodiment, involving demeanor, body shape and perceptions of the female body in its social context, the paper attempted to establish a connection between gender ideologies and embodied practice. The results of the study showed the prevalence of condescending attitudes towards girls and women participation in sports.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Yu

How to inculcate virtue in the citizens of Magnesia by means of the dance component of choreia constitutes one of the principal concerns in the Laws (= Leg.), revealing Plato's evolving ideas about the expediency of music and paideia for the construction of his ideal city since the Republic. Indeed, a steady stream of monographs and articles on the Laws has enriched our understanding of how Plato theorizes the body as a site of intervention and choral dance as instrumental in solidifying social relations and in conditioning the ethical and political self. As one scholar has aptly put it: ‘a city and its sociopolitical character [are] effectively danced into existence.’ Drawing on this recent work, I focus on an enigmatic passage in Laws Book 7 that merits more attention than it has received, in which Plato curiously singles out Bacchic dances from those that are ‘without controversy’ (815b7–d4): τὴν τοίνυν ἀμφισβητουμένην ὄρχησιν δεῖ πρῶτον χωρὶς τῆς ἀναμφισβητήτου διατεμεῖν. τίς οὖν αὕτη, καὶ πῇ δεῖ χωρὶς τέμνειν ἑκατέραν; ὅση μὲν βακχεία τ᾽ ἐστὶν καὶ τῶν ταύταις ἑπομένων, ἃς Νύμφας τε καὶ Πᾶνας καὶ Σειληνοὺς καὶ Σατύρους ἐπονομάζοντες, ὥς φασιν, μιμοῦνται κατῳνωμένους, περὶ καθαρμούς τε καὶ τελετάς τινας ἀποτελούντων, σύμπαν τοῦτο τῆς ὀρχήσεως τὸ γένος οὔθ᾽ ὡς εἰρηνικὸν οὔθ᾽ ὡς πολεμικὸν οὔθ᾽ ὅτι ποτὲ βούλεται ῥᾴδιον ἀφορίσασθαι: διορίσασθαι μήν μοι ταύτῃ δοκεῖ σχεδὸν ὀρθότατον αὐτὸ εἶναι, χωρὶς μὲν πολεμικοῦ, χωρὶς δὲ εἰρηνικοῦ θέντας, εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἔστι πολιτικὸν τοῦτο τῆς ὀρχήσεως τὸ γένος, ἐνταῦθα δὲ κείμενον ἐάσαντας κεῖσθαι, νῦν ἐπὶ τὸ πολεμικὸν ἅμα καὶ εἰρηνικὸν ὡς ἀναμφισβητήτως ἡμέτερον ὂν ἐπανιέναι. So, first of all, we should separate questionable dancing far from dancing that is without controversy. Which is the controversial kind, and how are the two to be distinguished? All the dancing that is of a Bacchic kind and cultivated by those who indulge in intoxicated imitations of Nymphs, Pans, Sileni and Satyrs (as they name them), when performing certain rites of expiation and initiation—this entire class of dancing cannot easily be marked off either as pacific or as warlike, nor as of any one particular kind. The most correct way of defining it appears to me to be this—to place it away from both pacific and warlike dancing, and to pronounce that this type of dancing is οὐ πολιτικόν; having thus set aside and dismissed it, we will now return to the warlike and pacific types, which without controversy belong to us.


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