scholarly journals Necessary borders for negotiation: the role of translation

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 64
Author(s):  
David Ar Rouz

Translation is usually deemed to help bridge gaps but seldom thought of as a means of strengthening or, at least, highlighting borders. The present article uses the example of translations involving the Breton language in order to show that translation may favour negotiation by both helping negotiators to understand each other and having them recognise the social border that makes them different. The article explains firstly the author’s understanding of borders and negotiation. Secondly, the case of translation from and into Breton is examined. And finally, the discussion is extended to the European institutions, where European language policy also illustrates the dual function of translation in negotiation. The example of Breton evidences that translation fosters social distinction, language development and cooperation. At the EU level, the same roles are assumed by translation services and they contribute moreover to the legitimacy of the institutions and to the exercise of democracy. Such a conclusion invites to consider translation as an adequate means to manage language and cultural differences, even compared to language learning. It may be used, then, to deal with pressing issues such as the current migration flows to Europe.

Muzealnictwo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margherita Sani

The role of museums in society has expanded significantly in the last decades: from temples of knowledge to forums for debate and discussion, from repositories of objects to people-centred institutions with social responsibilities and functions. This shift reflects an ongoing trend to democratise museums and make them more accessible to wider audiences and responsive to the public’s changing needs, in particular the interests of local communities, whose composition has changed in recent years to include migrants and people of different ethnic backgrounds. With annual migration flows to the EU as a whole projected to increase from about 1 043 000 people in 2010 to 1 332 500 by 2020, the question of how cultural institutions can contribute to effective integration and dialogue has become more relevant than ever. Funders and society at large expect museums to play their part in facilitating the integration and peaceful coexistence of newcomers, with financial resources being made available, also at the EU level, to support them in this effort. Many questions can be raised as to whether it is right and appropriate to charge museums with these responsibilities and whether this would push the boundaries of their work too far and give the social function an exceedingly prominent role over the traditional conservation and educational tasks museums already fulfil. But this discussion seems to be already obsolete in the light of the growing body of evidence on good practices available at the European level. This essay aims to illustrate some of them, as well as to discuss some underpinning theoretical issues and methodological approaches.


1994 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 45-51
Author(s):  
Jan Brouwer

Computer assistance in the language learning process appears to become increasingly important. In spite of the costs institutions appear to be eager to take on board the technology. The object of this paper is to examine what motivates Dutch institutes of higher education to implement advanced computer-aided language learning environments in their foreign language courses. In this respect the social conditions for implementation and aspects of language learning theory are discussed. Next, the multimedia courseware resulting from the EU/Lingua-sponsored CAMILLE project is described. Finally conditions for a successful implementation of this courseware are analyzed with particular emphasis on the changing role of both teacher and student.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (s1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiri Lev-Ari

AbstractPeople learn language from their social environment. Therefore, individual differences in the input that their social environment provides could influence their linguistic performance. Nevertheless, investigation of the role of individual differences in input on performance has been mostly restricted to first and second language acquisition. In this paper I argue that individual differences in input can influence linguistic performance even in adult native speakers. Specifically, differences in input can affect performance by influencing people’s knowledgebase, by modulating their processing manner, and by shaping expectations. Therefore, studying the role that individual differences in input play can improve our understanding of how language is learned, processed and represented.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Longo

AbstractThis Article analyzes the state of democracy in the EU through the study of the European Citizens’ Initiative. The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) represents one of the main ways the European institutions chose during the making of the European Convention, and then reproduced in the Lisbon Treaty, to beat populism by bringing decision-making closer to the citizens and promoting a new legitimization of Europe’s political unity. This Article starts by arguing that if one wants to understand European versions of populism it is necessary to pay attention to the reason why “democratic deficit” and “Euroscepticism” are predominant problems that the European Union is facing. It then analyzes the implementation of the ECI and the main issues of this instrument of democratization pointing at three flaws: a) the problem of e-democracy; b) the difficulty of stimulating large participation of civil society and people for the purposes of the ECIs; c) the cumbersome role of the EU Commission and the difficulties to ensure a real participatory instrument for the European citizens. From the analysis of the ECI this Article first advocates for a more robust public sphere in Europe as indispensable ground for a supranational democracy; second, it supports the revision of the ECI procedural aspects to transform it into a viable channel for amending EU policies in a more democratic way; third, this Article participates in the debate over the brand of democracy most suited to EU governance and polity.


Affilia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Lyons

Recent events in the United Kingdom have implications for the migration of women. Migrant women feature significantly in the staffing of the National Health Service and the social care sector, both currently under economic and political pressure. International labor mobility is also evident in the social work profession, though transnational social workers constitute only a very small proportion of the workforce. The recent vote to leave the European Union (EU) raises questions about the trend from recruitment of social workers from English-speaking countries to those from the EU. The role of social workers in relation to migrants is considered.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascale Vielle ◽  
Jean-Michel Bonvin

The concept of flexicurity opens up new avenues for rethinking our approach to social integration and security for Europe's citizens. In the current European debate, however, flexicurity is out of balance on two levels: it leans too far towards flexibility at the expense of security, and it is too focused on the labour market (and increasing employment rates) at the expense of other aspects of quality of life. This article suggests ways to rebalance flexicurity, giving more substance to ‘security’. In particular it proposes that, in addition to the mutualisation typically found in conventional social security strategies, services of general interest and time and space policies should also be developed. It recommends the negotiation of a new social pact in which all partners (not just the social partners) should have their say. The conclusion highlights the particular role of the EU in promoting harmonising measures and establishing new instruments for security and different ways of approaching public funding and investment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-93
Author(s):  
Loughlin J. Sweeney

The Royal Asiatic Society (RAS), a British learned society for the antiquarian study of Asian civilizations, established a number of branches in East Asia between 1865 and 1900 and quickly became a central location for the socialization of elite westerners within these states. This paper examines the social function of three RAS branches by analyzing their membership characteristics between 1865 and 1934, and draws out the role of Western associational culture in pre-war interactions between Western states and Northeast Asia. The activities of the RAS presented an opportunity for prominent personalities to demonstrate social distinction and reinforce their status as leading members of their communities, and to make claims to local expertise through the study and discussion of East Asian societies. RAS branches attracted a diverse mixture of diplomats, customs officials, military officers, missionaries, educators, merchants and medical professionals. Through a comparative analysis of the membership characteristics of RAS branches in Seoul, Tokyo, and Shanghai (the branches covering Korea, Japan, and North China respectively), the different social structures of the Western communities in these three states can be discerned. These reflect particular aspects of international relations between Northeast Asia and the West before the Second World War.


2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-460
Author(s):  
Alison Duxbury

AbstractThis article traces the development of the role of human rights and democracy in determining admission to three European organizations: the Council of Europe, NATO and the EU. Despite the different functions that each organization performs, they have all assumed that prospective members must comply with human rights and democratic conditions. This is evident in both the organizations' constituent instruments and related membership documents, and also in the recent admission practice of the three organizations. But the membership practice also indicates that since their establishment the organizations have not always applied these conditions rigorously – thus there is a tension between the organizations' desire for homogenous universality (getting better) and heterogeneous universality (getting bigger). The admission practice also reveals a number of problems with the use of human rights and democratic criteria, including inconsistencies in the application of the criteria between applicants and existing members of the same organization, and inconsistencies in the application of the shared criteria across the three organizations. In the end, the development of the common membership criteria of human rights and democracy highlights both a degree of flexibility in admission decisions, as well as a progressive change in the functions of each organization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Juan Carlos Martín ◽  
Concepción Román

During March and April 2020, the European Union (EU) was the center of the COVID-19 pandemic. Many national governments imposed severe lockdown policies to mitigate the health crisis, but the citizens’ support to these policies was unknown. The aim of this paper was to analyze empirically how citizens in the EU have reacted towards the measures taken by the national governments. To this end, a microeconometric model (ordered probit) that explains the citizens’ satisfaction by a number of attitudes and sociodemographic factors was estimated using a wide database formed by 21,804 European citizens in 21 EU countries who responded a survey between 23 April and 1 May 2020. Our results revealed that Spaniards were the least satisfied citizens in comparison with Danes, Irelanders, Greeks, and Croats, who were the most satisfied nationals. The years of education and the social class also played a determinant role. We also found that the most important determinant was the political support to the government, and that those who were more worried by the economy and the protection of individual rights were usually more critical of the measures than those who were more worried by the health consequences.


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