scholarly journals Senate Reform and the Political Safeguards of Canadian Federalism in Québec

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Jean-Christophe Bédard-Rubin
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The Core ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
Canadian Federalism ◽  
Core Idea

Unlike in Canada, the doctrine of political safe-guards of federalism is a tantalizing presence in American constitutional law that changing tides and moods have never completely submerged. The core idea is simple: political institutions in the United States have been designed to ensure that interests of the states are represented in the federal decision-making process. Thus, the judiciary does not need to intervene to police the federal division of powers.

An Empirical Study of E-Participation Levels in Jordan

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Abu-Shanab ◽  
Raya Al-Dalou'
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The Core ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between citizens and governments is the core of e-government. E-participation is one of the political dimensions of e-government which focuses on informing, consulting, involving, collaborating, and empowering citizens to take part of the decision making process. This study adopted a framework for the five levels of e-participation and tried to test such model empirically using 400 responses from Jordanians. The study tried to measure Jordanian perceptions towards e-participation initiatives and practices in Jordan, and to measure the achievements on each level as perceived and reported by subjects. Results indicated that the highest perceived level was e-involving, and the lowest was e-consulting. Also, the CFA results indicated a distorted distribution of items between the major levels. Results of other issues explored are discussed further in this study.

scholarly journals Comparison of the Influence of the Chinese Lobby and the Israeli Lobby in the United States

2015 ◽  
pp. 84-98
Author(s):  
D. B. Grafov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
National Interests ◽  
China Lobby

The article is about how pro-Israel and pro-China interest groups try to lobby on the ground of Capitol, White House and executive branch. The study of the lobbying results is based on «General theory of action» T. Parsons. It is concluded that for lobbying interests the main point will be the representation of the interests in the political and public spaces and the creating of advocacy and lobbying infrastructure. The ability of the Israeli lobby to achieve the goal can be explained, firstly, by political inclusion in the decision-making process, and, secondly, by almost axiomatic representation Israel interests through the national interests of the United States. The Israeli lobby can be considered as the religious lobby. It can use the possibilities of Jewish religious organizations in grass root action. Also this gives the opportunity to avoid the requirements of the LDA. From the point of view of the theory of Talcott Parsons, the success of the Israeli lobby is the cause of the action of a large number of actors that may form in large groups. Another advantage of the Israeli lobby is the ability of its members to get relevant information about the current situation in different spheres of political life in the U.S. The objective of the present study was to reveal the ways in which China lobby succeeds. The influence of China lobby on decision-making process in the United States can be explained through strong economic ties between American corporations and the Chinese market. When lobbying China uses numerous Chinese Diaspora in many States, as well as trying to interest of the former high-ranking American officials, granting them special privileges for doing business in China. In comparison to the Israeli lobby, the Chinese lobby has weaknesses. Chinese interest groups are not included in the political system of the USA and this is the disadvantage of the Chinese way of lobbying. Unlike Israel lobby Chinese one is external. The interests of the chinese pressure groups do not coincide with American national interests. Their actors are not rooted in the American political system.

scholarly journals Haldane Unrevealed

2012 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 597-626
Author(s):  
David Schneiderman
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Review Essay ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Supreme Court Of Canada ◽  
Intellectual Biography ◽  
Privy Council ◽  
Clear Preference ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
Canadian Federalism

When historians proffer historical truths they “must not merely tell truths,” they must “demonstrate their truthfulness as well,” observes Hackett Fisher. As against this standard, Frederick Vaughan's intellectual biography of Richard Burdon Haldane does not fare so well. Vaughan argues that Viscount Haldane’s jurisprudential tilt, which favoured the provinces in Canadian federalism cases before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, was rooted in Haldane’s philosophizing about Hegel. He does so, however, without much reference to the political and legal currents within which Haldane thought, wrote, and thrived. More remarkably, Vaughan does not derive from his reading of Haldane and Hegel any clear preference for the local over the national. We are left to look elsewhere for an explanation for Haldane’s favouring of the provincial side in division-of-powers cases. Vaughan additionally speculates about why Haldane’s predecessor Lord Watson took a similar judicial path, yet offers only tired and unconvincing rationales. Vaughan, lastly, rips Haldane out of historical context for the purpose of condemning contemporary Supreme Court of Canada decision making under the Charter. Under the guise of purposive interpretation, Vaughan claims that the justices are guilty of constitutionalizing a “historical relativism” that Vaughan wrongly alleges Hegel to have propounded. While passing judgment on the book’s merits, the purpose of this review essay is to evaluate the book by situating it in the historiographic record, a record that Vaughan ignores at his peril.

An Empirical Study of E-Participation Levels in Jordan

2018 ◽  
pp. 1255-1272
Author(s):  
Emad Abu-Shanab ◽  
Raya Al-Dalou'
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
The Core ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between citizens and governments is the core of e-government. E-participation is one of the political dimensions of e-government which focuses on informing, consulting, involving, collaborating, and empowering citizens to take part of the decision making process. This study adopted a framework for the five levels of e-participation and tried to test such model empirically using 400 responses from Jordanians. The study tried to measure Jordanian perceptions towards e-participation initiatives and practices in Jordan, and to measure the achievements on each level as perceived and reported by subjects. Results indicated that the highest perceived level was e-involving, and the lowest was e-consulting. Also, the CFA results indicated a distorted distribution of items between the major levels. Results of other issues explored are discussed further in this study.

scholarly journals ¿Somos tan diferentes? El intervencionismo militar en España, en Reino Unido y Estados Unidos

Araucaria ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 431-456
Author(s):  
Roberto Muñoz Bolaños
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Decision Making ◽  
Do So

The aim of this research is to carry out a comparative study of military interventionism in Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The thesis on which it is based is that armies intervene when the conditions are created for them to do so. There is no such thing as a dichotomy between interventionist and non-interventionist armies in the political decision-making process.

Healthcare Decisions

2019 ◽  
pp. 118-136
Author(s):  
Ulrik Kihlbom ◽  
Christian Munthe
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Shared Decision Making ◽  
Healthcare Professionals ◽  
Clinical Care ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Shared Decision ◽  
The Core ◽  
Person Centered Care ◽  
Centered Care ◽  
Core Idea

The aim of this chapter is to outline how different relational aspects of families may ground obligations on the part of healthcare professionals toward patients and their families in the decision-making process. The exploration starts from the core idea within person-centered care of having patients’ general life situation, experiences, wants, and values to be a substantial topic of concern in a process of shared decision making. If relational decision-making paradigms are to be minimally functional, healthcare professionals’ stances need to involve complex schemes of including people closely related to patients, who will have to be recognized as legitimate stakeholders and partners in, as well as resources for, clinical care.

Brazil

2021 ◽  
pp. 175-192
Author(s):  
Fabiano Santos ◽  
Fernando Guarnieri ◽  
Nara Salles
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Personal Traits ◽  
The Core ◽  
Political Model ◽  
The One

In this chapter, we present the politics of congressional speech in Brazil as the result of incentives produced by this country’s political model, the so-called coalitional presidentialism. On the one hand, a majority formed by larger parties controls the decision-making process related to the Brazilian public agenda, turning the core policy debate into a partisan and ideological issue. On the other, “autonomous” spaces for delivering speeches are both claimed and occupied by legislators with more specific identities, such as women and deputies with longer-lived congressional trajectories. These personal traits cannot be limited to the traditional cleavages of the political system. For this, we analyzed more than 190,000 speeches delivered in the following phases of the floor sessions held between 2001 and 2018.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

scholarly journals Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sports Teams ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Legislative Proposals ◽  
Gendered Bodies ◽  
Political Right

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.

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