scholarly journals THE AFFAIR OF THE CHAIRS

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1 & 2) ◽  
pp. 2003
Author(s):  
David E. Smith

Early in November 2002, a political tremour shook Parliament Hill — fifty-six Liberal MPs voted against the will of their leader and with the opposition parties in the House of Commons. At issue was a Canadian Alliance motion to change House rules to allow chairs of committees to be elected by secret ballot. Purple prose and fervid speculation followed: Had the unthinkable happened and the Prime Minister “lost control of his caucus”? What did the future hold now that his caucus had “tasted blood”? How much of a personal humiliation was the vote for Jean Chrétien, and was it enough of one to cut short his interminable long goodbye? Or, was it evidence that the official opposition had coalesced sufficiently after its own leadership turmoil to carry through a successful divide and conquer mission? Could more of the same strategy be expected?

2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


Author(s):  
Simon Moorhead

Liz Fell’s interview in 2011 with the Australian Shadow Minister for Telecommunications, Malcolm Turnbull MP, was notable for his combativeness (rare amongst her interviewees). In tribute to both Ms Fell and Mr Turnbull, we republish that interview with the future Prime Minister who, as Minister for Communications in 2013-15, implemented the multi-technology mix redesign of the National Broadband Network.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Tubus Tubus

This paper aims to examine the making of the contents of wills examined from the point of view of Islamic law, in practice the reality in the lives of many people who have not heed the word basmallah as an incantation in the contents of the will for the followers of Islam. In this study using sociological juridical method, where the primary data obtained directly from field research, while secondary data obtained from the literature. The results obtained that the way of making the contents of the will and the absence of public legal awareness is optimal for the making of the contents of wills in accordance with Islamic law. And there are still weaknesses in the Making and Implementation of the contents of the current will, when the testament is oral, namely: The absence of the sacred intention or the noble intention of the collector must not necessarily occur; unsecured rights of the recipient, in the event of any problems of the future heirs of the pewasiat; there is a difficulty of proof in the absence of witnesses, when the will is brought before the Court. Law renewal in the making of the contents of the will in the presence of a notary in the perspective of Islamic law are: the reconstruction of its value, the Ideal Formation of the Will, the testament is done in writing witnessed by two witnesses and before the Notary. Ideal Construction Format of Testament Creation. The testament is written in the presence of two witnesses or in the form of a Deed or a Notary Deed. At the head of the will or the Deed or Notarial deed is included a sentence “Basmallah”.


Significance Each of these states except Punjab has a government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Punjab is one of just three states with a chief minister that belongs to India’s main opposition Congress party. Impacts A poor showing by Congress would further reduce its leverage with other opposition parties in talks over forming a broad anti-Modi alliance. Victory in UP would enhance Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s national profile. Election campaigning will likely lead to a spike in COVID-19 cases.


Author(s):  
Anna Müller

This article looks at a select number of biographies of Władysław Gomułka—an important postwar Polish politician, who because of his long presence in politics is often perceived as the de facto Polish postwar leader. He served in multiple roles: parliamentary deputy, deputy prime minister, minister, member of the Council of State, and the First Secretary of the communist party. I argue that for historians who take up the task of writing his biography, Gomułka is more than a historical figure, and that writing about him allows them to ponder the question of agency and historical contingencies, as well as the meaning of the past for the present. Not surprisingly, Gomułka’s biography serves as a form of a meta-commentary on contemporary approach to the Communist history and its place in Polish history. The existing biographies contain reflections, even if indirectly, on the nature of Communism in Poland, not as elements of the past but as aspects of the present that loom over the future. By the same token, the lack of interest in Gomułka at certain important historical junctures, or a rather selective interest, indicates not as much a lack of interest in an important politician, but rather a certain skewed interest in Communism—not just its shortcomings, but also its potential benefits. The silence gives a certain perception of Communism as something pushed to the margins.


2021 ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christopher Cochrane ◽  
Jean-François Godbout ◽  
Jason Vandenbeukel

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature at the national level. Members of the upper House, styled the Senate, are appointed by the prime minister, and members of the lower House, the House of Commons, are elected in single-member plurality electoral districts. In practice, the House of Commons is by far the more important of the two chambers. This chapter, therefore, investigates access to the floor in the Canadian House of Commons. We find that the age, gender, and experience of MPs have little independent effect on access to the floor. Consistent with the dominant role of parties in Canadian political life, we find that an MP’s role within a party has by far the most significant impact on their access to the floor. Intriguingly, backbenchers in the government party have the least access of all.


Author(s):  
Philip Lynch ◽  
Richard Whitaker

Most reports from UK departmental select committees are agreed by consensus, underpinning their reputation for non-partisan working in an adversarial House of Commons. However, divisions (formal votes) are more common than is often assumed, occurring on 9% of reports between 2010 and 2019. This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of unity and divisions on select committees. It finds that the incidence of divisions increases when opposition parties chair committees, when there are more rebellious members of parliament present and when more new members of parliament are in attendance. Brexit provoked significant inter-party and intra-party divisions in the Commons. In committees, divisions on Brexit reports are higher than those on other reports and the Exiting the European Union Committee has a clear Leave-Remain fault line. But, more broadly, the Brexit effect on select committees is limited and unanimity remains the norm even when there are policy differences between parties.


2003 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Michel Warschawski

This report analyzes the results of the January 2003 Israeli elections and their implications for Israeli society and, indirectly, for the future of the Palestinian question. In examining voter behavior and the characteristics and trends within the main political groupings——including Labor, Likud, Meretz, Shinui, and the various "sectoral" parties——the article provides a broad portrait of the contemporary Israeli body politic. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's calculations in forming a governing coalition are also discussed.


Author(s):  
Philipa Rothfield

This essay is an attempt to think of dancing per se as a mode of improvisation. It draws on Nietzschean philosophy as a means to conceive of dance as a dynamic flux, made up of a multiplicity of forces. Improvisation ensues from the selection of these forces and their consequent corporeal becoming. What follows is a reading of Nietzsche’s work in terms of force and the will to power, which also draws on Deleuze’s engagement with Nietzschean philosophy. Improvisation is posed in these terms, as an encounter with chance that offers and produces the force of the future.


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