A Constitutional Research on the State as a Topic of Constitutional Theory

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-58
Author(s):  
Boo-Ha Lee
2019 ◽  
pp. 249-274
Author(s):  
Bernadette Meyler

Its historical association with monarchical sovereignty has tarred pardoning with an illiberal brush. This Postlude examines Carl Schmitt’s Constitutional Theory, Political Theology and other writings to argue that the pardon resembles the sovereign decision on the state of exception. The vision of pardoning as opposed to liberal constitutionalism dates further back than Schmitt, however; it appears as well in the writings of Immanuel Kant, one of the foundational figures of modern liberalism. Only by disassociating pardoning from sovereignty can it be reconciled with constitutionalism. The Postlude concludes by turning to the work of Hannah Arendt as one source for a non-sovereign vision of pardoning.


Author(s):  
Luis I. Gordillo Pérez ◽  
Giuseppe Martinico

El objetivo de este artículo es ofrecer una reflexión sobre el estado del Derecho constitucional europeo en el año del quincuagésimo aniversario de Van Gend en Loos, la histórica decisión del Tribunal de Justicia (TJ) que ha puesto las bases para la constitucionalización del Derecho de la Unión Europea. Para ello, y tras profundizar en la teoría del constitucionalismo comunitario, se analiza el proceso de constitucionalización de la UE a través de la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Luxemburgo desde dos puntos de vista: constitucionalización como «federalización» y constitucionalización como «humanización».This article reflects on the state of the art of the EU Constitutional Law on the 50th anniversary of Van Gend en Loos, the founding constitutional decision of the ECJ. After analyzing the fundamentals of EU constitutional theory, the authors move towards the constitutionalization process of the EU through the case law of the ECJ from a double perspective: constitutionalization as federalization and constitutionalization as «humanization of EU Law».


Grotiana ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 396-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustaaf van Nifterik

AbstractAn important aspect of any constitutional theory is the state's power to punish transgressions of the law, or the ius gladii. Although Grotius never formulated a complete, comprehensive constitutional theory, traces of such a theory can be found in many of his writings not explicitly devoted to constitutional law. Punishment even plays an important role in his books on war (and peace), since to punish transgressions of the law is ranked among the just causes of war.Given the fact that a state may punish transgressions of the law – transgressions by individuals within and even outside the state, but also transgressions of the law by other states – the question may arise concerning the origin of such a right to punish. It will be shown that Grotius did not give the same answer to this question in his various works. As the right to punish is concerned, we find a theory that seems to be akin to the one of John Locke in the De iure praedae (around 1605), one akin to the theories of the Spanish late-scholastics in De satisfactione and De imperio (around 1615), and a theory coming close to what Thomas Hobbes had said on the ruler's right to punish in the De iure belli ac pacis (around 1625).Of course, Grotius can only have been familiar with the theory of the Spanish late-scholastics, since those of Locke and Hobbes were still to be written by the time Grotius had passed away.


Author(s):  
Antonio Magdaleno Alegría

More than three decades after the approval of the Spanish Constitution and in spite of the big amount of studies and analysis that it has generated, there is still an important debate on the territorial distribution of power. This matter came to its highest point when the process to reform different Statutes of Autonomy started in 2003. As an answer to the aforementioned scenario, Professor Ruiperez’s book shows the need to elaborate a constitutional theory on the State of Autonomies. From this point of view he analyzes critically the difficulties and problems (both historic and politic) that has generated the current conceptual confusion on the matter, in order to determine the elements and pillars necessary to draw up a constitutional theory on the State of Autonomies.Pasadas más de tres décadas desde la aprobación de la Constitución española, y pese al importante número de estudios y análisis que la misma ha generado, lo cierto es que todavía existe una importante polémica en torno a la distribución territorial del poder. Cuestión que ha tenido su punto más álgido con el proceso de reforma de varios Estatutos de Autonomía iniciado a partir del año 2003. Precisamente, y en respuesta al citado panorama, el libro del Profesor Ruipérez pone de manifiesto la necesidad de elaborar una teoría constitucional del Estado de las Autonomías. Así, y desde esta perspectiva, analiza críticamente las dificultades y problemas (históricos, políticos, etc.) que ha generado el presente confusionismo conceptual en la materia; para determinar posteriormente los elementos y pilares necesarios en orden a formular una teoría constitucional del Estado de las Autonomías.


1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde

The focus of this paper is not on the person, but on the work of Carl Schmitt, in particular the significance of Schmitt's concept of the political for an understanding of his legal and constitutional theory. Let me start with a short personal memory. When I was a third year law student, I read Carl Schmitt's Constitutional Theory. I came across the formulations that the state is the political unity of a people and that the rule of law component in a constitution is an unpolitical component. I was puzzled by these two remarks. I had learned from Georg Jellinek that the state, from a sociological perspective, is a purposeful corporative unit and, from a legal perspective, represents a territorially based corporation. I had also gathered some knowledge about “organic” state theories, especially that of Otto von Gierke who considers the state an organism and a real corporative personality rather than a mere legal fiction. On the basis of these theories, I felt unable to understand Schmitt's point that the state is the political unity of a people, because in those theories the political aspect is largely missing. It was only later that, by reading and studying Carl Schmitt's essay The Concept of the Political, I gradually learned to make sense of the above remarks. Thus I have discovered that that essay, and the understanding of the political elaborated in it, contains the key to understanding Carl Schmitt's constitutional theory in general. I would now like to explain this.


Author(s):  
Wojciech Engelking

Abstract The paper is an attempt to examine how Carl Schmitt's constitutional theory can be useful to analyse the Constitution of the State of Israel designed in the late 1940s – the impact of which Jacob Taubes once certified. The author analyses three projects created then by Leo Kohn through the prism of Schmitt's concept of Verfassung and Verfassungsgesetz. He also reads in the context of Schmitt's philosophy (from Constitutional Theory and The Nomos of the Earth) the constitutional situation of Israel as a country where, first, the Constitution has not been passed and the basic matter of its legal system is regulated by the Basic Laws; second, citizens of Arab origin are excluded from the national community; and third, the borders of the state remain fluid and change due to the constant partition of the land.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

This book analyzes Carl Schmitt’s state and constitutional theory and shows how he conceived it in response to the Weimar crisis. Schmitt modeled his theory on past state theory, particularly Hobbes’ Leviathan. Schmitt sought to address the unique problems posed by mass democracy. Extremists recognized a path to legal revolution lay in the constitution’s combination of democratic procedures, total neutrality toward political goals, and positive law. To prevent the subversion of the state and civil war, Schmitt theorized ways to depoliticize conflicts and restore the state’s authority. He argued the constitution imposed absolute limits on democratic will. And he insisted those limits were determined by the liberal democratic constitution’s prior commitment to basic rights. Schmitt’s state and constitutional theory remains important today because the problems he identifies within liberal democratic states have not gone away. Schmitt’s thought anticipated “constrained” or “militant” democracy, a type of constitution that guards against subversive expressions of popular sovereignty and whose mechanisms include the entrenchment of basic constitutional commitments and party bans. Although today’s political challenges are not identical to those Weimar faced, the threat of constitutional democracy committing suicide has not gone away. Liberal democrats can learn from Schmitt’s analysis and theory to address today’s challenges.


Asy-Syari ah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Faisal Ali

Abstract: The presence of the Constitution of Medina that was declared by the Prophet Muhammad after His migration did not only manage and organize the internal life of Muslims and unify them with the Jews as well as their allies but also presented a change on social status from stateless society to state society. It addresses an idea that the substance in the Constitution of Media should be overviewed and seen from various aspects of state’s and nation’s life. The purpose of this research is more intended to analyze the political principles in the Constitution of Medina. This study is qualitative with analytical descriptive method from data obtained in the literature. The data is then collected and analyzed inductively and deductively, which is elaborated with constitutional theory. This study resulted that substantially the Constitution of Medina contained the principle of politics that globally included elements of the state formation, model of state, governmental system, and type of power that remained in-progress at Medina based on the existing literatures in governmental science, political science, and developing countries in the whole world. The main aspect revealed in this study concerns the substance and implementation of the Medina constitution in the state administration that is relevant to modern countries that are developing at this time, both sociologically and politically.Abstrak: Kehadiran konstitusi Madînah yang ditetapkan oleh Nabi Muhammad setelah berhijrah, sesungguhnya tidak hanya sekedar menata intern kehidupan kaum muslimin dan mempersatukan di antara mereka dengan kaum Yahudi beserta sekutu-sekutunya, tetapi juga memberikan perubahan status sosial yang mulanya dari masyarakat bukan negara menjadi masyarakat yang bernegara. Ini memberikan gambaran bahwa materi konstitusi Madînah tidak dapat dilihat dari satu sisi atau dua sisi saja, tetapi mencakup berbagai aspek kehidupan dalam bermasyarakat dan bernegara. Adapun tujuan dari penelitian ini lebih dimaksudkan untuk menganalisis prinsip-prinsip kenegaraan dalam konstitusi tersebut. Kajian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif analitis dari data yang diperoleh secara literatur. Data tersebut kemudian dihimpun dan dianalisis secara induktif dan deduktif, yang dielaborasi dengan teori ketatanegaraan. Hasil penelusuran menunjukkan bahwa secara subtansial konstitusi Madînah memuat prinsip-prinsip kenegaraan yang secara global meliputi unsur-unsur terbentuknya sebuah negara, bentuk negara, sistem pemerintahan, dan jenis kekuasaan yang berlaku di Madînah pada saat itu sebagaimana yang dikenal dalam kepustakaan Ilmu Negara dan Ilmu Politik, dan juga sebagaimana yang berkembang di negara-negara di dunia. Aspek utama yang terungkap dalam kajian ini menyangkut substansi dan implementasi konstitusi Madînah dalam ketatanegaraan yang relevan dengan negara-negara modern yang berkembang saat ini, baik secara sosiologis maupun politis.


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