scholarly journals Czy byliśmy w wojnie z Sowietami?!

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 247-255
Author(s):  
Wiesław Jan Wysocki

At the time of the agreement with the German Third Reich on Soviet aggression on Poland on September 17, 1939, the Ambassador of the Republic of Poland in Moscow was given a diplomatic note declaring that in the face of the “break-up of the Polish state” the USSR “is defending the Belarusian and Ukrainian population” in eastern Poland. This eceptive version was “bought” by the Allies of Poland in the West who pretended that Moscow was not a co-hostile against allied Poland. They explained that they didn’t want to deepen but to overthrow the German-Soviet alliance. The highest authorities of the Republic of Poland were charged that they were not consistent and did not declare a state of war between Poland and the USSR from September 17, 1939. This was a game of slander and the author documented the will of the parties to bring such charges. In the period of the Polish People’s Republic, the myth of the so-justified Soviet intervention in 1939 was promulgated. Also, today, this issue for many politicians, historians and journalists remains not entirely clear. This text is an analysis of the formation of the basis of this myth, showing its political ground for various propaganda and proclamation of Western states, and ambiguous attitudes of Polish politicians, especially focused on the very naive and politically dependent General Sikorski, the chief of war and prime minister, with greater responsibility – than the ruling party of the Second Polish Republic – for establishing false opinions about Polish-Soviet relations in September 1939.

1970 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 247-255
Author(s):  
Wiesław Jan Wysocki

At the time of the agreement with the German Third Reich on Soviet aggression on Poland on September 17, 1939, the Ambassador of the Republic of Poland in Moscow was given a diplomatic note declaring that in the face of the "break-up of the Polish state", the USSR "is defending the Belarusian and Ukrainian population" in eastern Poland. This deceptive version was naively accepted by Poland’s Western Allies, who pretended that Moscow was not hostile against Poland. They explained that they did not want to enhance, but rather to overthrow the German-Soviet alliance. The highest authorities of the Republic of Poland were charged with inconsistence and did not declare a state of war between Poland and the USSR as of September 17, 1939. This was a game of slander and the author documented the will of the parties to bring such charges. In the period of the Polish People's Republic, the myth of so-called justified Soviet intervention in 1939 was perpetuated. Today, too, this issue remains not entirely clear for many politicians, historians and journalists. This text analyses the formation of this myth, showing its political ground for various propaganda and proclamations of Western states, and ambiguous attitudes of Polish politicians, especially focused on the very naïve and politically dependent General Sikorski, the Commander-in-Chief and Prime Minister, with greater responsibility than the ruling party of the Second Polish Republic for the false opinions about Polish-Soviet relations in September 1939.  


1961 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Charles

There is little reason for thinking that the anti-rightist campaign of 1957–58, which closed the Hundred Flowers interlude, was undertaken in order to overcome an organised opposition in the central leadership of the Chinese Communist Party rather than to deal with a political situation that was clearly getting out of hand. The victims were either bourgeois intellectuals and members of the so-called “democratic parties” or communist officials of the second rank, for the most part provincial administrators. Their fate presumably strengthened the hand of the doctrinaires in the Party and weakened the will of the moderates to oppose the extravagances of the subsequent “great leap forward”; and there are doubtless many in China as well as the West who believe that Mao's personal involvement in the fiasco of liberalisation may have constituted the first stage in a process which would lead eighteen months later to his withdrawal from the chairmanship of the republic. The political repercussions were, however, long-term; the immediate effect of the change of line may have been to cement rather than undermine the solidarity of the leaders.


1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Anber

On 30 May 1967, Lt.-Col. C. Odumegwu Ojukwu, Military Governor of Nigeria's Eastern Region, announced the secession of Eastern Nigeria from the Federation and the creation of the sovereign and independent state called the Republic of Biafra. The birth of Biafra was the product of a long and bitter blood feud between the conservative, Muslim, Hausa-Fulani people of the North and the progressive, Christian Ibos of the East. The roots of the hostility are deep, but the immediate impetus for the break-up began with the military coup d' état of I 5 January 1966, in which the civilian régime of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa was overthrown and several leaders assassinated.


Significance The military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has already postponed elections three times, from 2015 to early 2016 and, most recently, to late 2016, with a new administration to be inaugurated in early 2017. A potential further delay would signal the junta's weakness in the face of mounting policy challenges. Impacts Suthep's reappearance could jeopardise the political stability the junta has maintained since May 2014. The NCPO will continue to suppress the political machine of deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Government forecast of 3% growth this year may prove optimistic. Post-elections, China and the West are likely to be given at least equal diplomatic attention.


This book is devoted to the life and academic legacy of Mustafa Badawi who transformed the study of modern Arabic literature in the second half of the twentieth century. Prior to the 1960s the study of Arabic literature, both classical and modern, had barely been emancipated from the academic approaches of orientalism. The appointment of Badawi as Oxford University's first lecturer in modern Arabic literature changed the face of this subject as Badawi showed, through his teaching and research, that Arabic literature was making vibrant contributions to global culture and thought. Part biography, part collection of critical essays, this book celebrates Badawi's immense contribution to the field and explores his role as a public intellectual in the Arab world and the west.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.


1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muslih Husein
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  
New Moon ◽  

Hisab dan rukyat, hakikatnya, adalah cara untuk mengetahui pergantian bulan. Kajian ini memperlihatkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, korelasi antara hadis Kuraib dan terjadinya perbedaan penetapan awal Ramadan, Syawal, dan Dzul Hijjah di Indonesia. Kementerian Agama Republik Indonesia telah menetapkan bahwa Indonesia secara keseluruhan menjadi satu wilayah hukum (wilayatul hukmi). Kedua, tentang keberhasilan rukyat al-hilal di satu kawasan yang diberlakukan bagi kawasan lain di muka bumi. Perlu diketahui bersama bahwa visibilitas pertama hilal tidak meliputi seluruh muka bumi pada hari yang sama, melainkan membelahnya menjadi dua bagian: (1) bagian sebelah Barat yang dapat melihat hilal dan (2) bagian sebelah Timur yang tidak dapat melihat hilal.Hisab and rukyat is a way to know the turn of the month. This study shows several findings. First is the correlation between Kuraib traditions and differences in the determination of the beginning of Ramadan, Shawwal, and Dhul-Hijjah in Indonesia. Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia has stated that Indonesia as a whole into a single jurisdiction (wilayatul hukmi). Second, on the success rukyat alhilal in one area that applied to other regions of earth. Important to know that the first visibility of the new moon does not cover the entire face of the earth on the same day, but splitting it into two parts: (1) part of the West to see the new moon, and (2) part of the East were not able to see the new moon.


2019 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-248
Author(s):  
Martin Schieder

Abstract When in 1955/1956, for the first time in divided postwar Germany, a major Picasso exhibition took place in Munich, Cologne, and Hamburg, it came to be a cultural event that reached and emotionalized the German audience, media, and sciences to an unprecedented extent. The exhibition Picasso 1900 – 1955 contributed significantly to the popularization of Picasso at all levels of society and gave the German people access to modern art on a much wider scale than the first documenta held concurrently in Kassel. The undisputed eye-catcher of that spectacular exhibit was Guernica, on display in Germany for the first and only time. Its controversial reception reveals that at that time there was no intention to see the work in Germany in a memorial relationship with Germany’s own historical responsibility. Thus it virtually functioned as a symbol for a collective amnesia of the West German postwar society, whereas the socialist East of the Republic stylized the painting into an anti-fascist icon.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
ERIK JAN ZÜRCHER

The Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923. In the first 20 years of its existence, the political leadership of the republic embarked on a process of nation building in Anatolia and at the same time changed the face of Turkish society, stamping on it a particular brand of secular modernity. This article tries to find out what were the common characteristics of the small band of men who made up the leadership of the republic and to what extent their shared background and experience can help explain the course they charted for Turkey after its creation. One of the conclusions is that Turkey, although located geographically for more than 90% in Asia, is in fact a creation of Europeans, who shaped the country after their own image.


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