Stakeholders' preferred policy solution: comparing strategies to address degraded levees

Water Policy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 1093-1107 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Stoutenborough

The levees along the Portneuf River around Pocatello, ID, have degraded to the point where action is necessary. Stakeholders have identified three potential policy actions that would address the levee issue – remove the existing levees, reinforce the existing levees, or remove and reconstruct new levees that incorporated green areas. While it appears that the strongest support was given to the reconstruction option, it is not clear which of these policy proposals are actually preferred by stakeholders. In short, if stakeholders had their way, which of these policies would be implemented? Using a survey of stakeholders in the Pocatello area, I compare the determinants of stakeholder policy preferences to determine how these preferences differ from one another. The analysis reveals these policy preferences are primarily driven by attitudinal indicators and risk perceptions.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Schaub ◽  
Florence Metz

To understand how actors make collective policy decisions, scholars use policy and discourse network approaches to analyze interdependencies among actors. While policy networks often build on survey data, discourse networks typically use media data to capture the beliefs or policy preferences shared by actors. One of the reasons for the variety of data sources is that discourse data can be more accessible to researchers than survey data (or vice versa). In order to make an informed decision on valid data sources, researchers need to understand how differences in data sources may affect results. As this remains largely unexplored, we analyze the differences and similarities between policy and discourse networks. We systematically compare policy networks with discourse networks in respect of the types of actors participating in them, the policy proposals actors advocate and their coalition structures. For the policy field of micropollutants in surface waters in Germany, we observe only small differences between the results obtained using the policy and discourse network approaches. We find that the discourse network approach particularly emphasizes certain actor types, i.e., expanders who seek to change the policy status quo. The policy network approach particularly reflects electoral interests, since preferences for policies targeting voters are less visible. Finally, different observation periods reveal some smaller differences in the coalition structures within the discourse network. Beyond these small differences, both approaches come to largely congruent results with regards to actor types, policy preferences and coalition structures. In our case, the use of discourse and policy network approaches lead to similar conclusions regarding the study of policy processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 651-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Cambardella ◽  
Brian D. Fath ◽  
Andrea Werdenigg ◽  
Christian Gulas ◽  
Harald Katzmair

AbstractCultural theory (CT) provides a framework for understanding how social dimensions shape cultural bias and social relations of individuals, including values, view of the natural world, policy preferences, and risk perceptions. The five resulting cultural solidarities are each associated with a “myth of nature”—a concept of nature that aligns with the worldview of each solidarity. When applied to the problem of climate protection policy making, the relationships and beliefs outlined by CT can shed light on how members of the different cultural solidarities perceive their relationship to climate change and associated risk. This can be used to deduce what climate change management policies may be preferred or opposed by each group. The aim of this paper is to provide a review of how CT has been used in surveys of the social aspects of climate change policy making, to assess the construct validity of these studies, and to identify ways for climate change protection policies to leverage the views of each of the cultural solidarities to develop clumsy solutions: policies that incorporate strengths from each of the cultural solidarities’ perspectives. Surveys that include measures of at least fatalism, hierarchism, individualism, and egalitarianism and their associated myths of nature as well as measures of climate change risk perceptions and policy preferences have the highest translation and predictive validity. These studies will be useful in helping environmental managers find clumsy solutions and develop resilient policy according to C.S. Holling’s adaptive cycle.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (9) ◽  
pp. 1380-1416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaobo Lü ◽  
Mingxing Liu ◽  
Feiyue Li

Recent studies of authoritarian legislatures underscore the importance of institutions for cooptation and information collection, but many still consider authoritarian legislatures rubber stamps in policy making. We argue that authoritarian legislatures could be important arenas of the contestation reflected in delegates’ bills and proposals instead of their voting outcomes. Specifically, government agencies use authoritarian legislatures to build policy coalitions to advance their policy agendas. Delegates serve as proxy fighters for key party and government elites with different policy preferences. We provide evidence based on an original dataset containing education-related bills and policy proposals submitted to both Chinese national assemblies between 1983 and 2007. We identify the existence of the policy coalitions, and find coalition building is more intensified prior to the promulgation of education-related laws. We then employ network analysis to illustrate the channels behind policy coalition network.


Author(s):  
James W. Stoutenborough ◽  
Arnold Vedlitz ◽  
Xinsheng Liu

A great deal of research has been dedicated to understanding the relationship of public preferences to public policy. Much of this literature, though, does not account for risk perception, an important characteristic that affects individuals’ preferences. In terms of policy, those who perceive high risk in association with a particular issue should be more likely to oppose policies that would increase that risk, and, conversely, support policies that would decrease this risk. In this article, we examine the role of specific risk perceptions related to nuclear, coal, and renewable sources of energy on related policy preferences. Controlling for the influence of knowledge and several specific attitudinal indicators, we find that risk perceptions are strong predictors of energy policy preferences.


Author(s):  
Raina J. Shah ◽  
Charles G. Burhans ◽  
Michael J. Wise ◽  
J. Paul Frantz ◽  
Timothy P. Rhoades

The National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) has recently recommended that states reduce the legal blood alcohol concentration (BAC) limit for driving from 0.08% to 0.05%. This study assessed attitudes of drivers toward this recommendation. It also assessed the extent to which attitudes toward lowering the legal BAC limit were related to the perceived risk of driving at different BAC levels as compared to other factors. A majority of drivers surveyed (54%) were in favor of the 0.05% BAC limit proposal, with 26% against it and 20% neutral toward it. Those who believed that driving at 0.05% BAC posed an increased risk for a crash were more likely to support the proposal than those who did not think that driving at 0.05% BAC posed an increased crash risk. However, perceptions about the risk posed by driving at various BACs did not completely determine policy preferences. Some participants supported the 0.05% BAC limit even though they did not perceive a risk reduction benefit, while others perceived a risk reduction benefit of a 0.05% BAC limit but still did not support the policy. Implications for the role of risk perceptions in policy preferences are discussed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Walter

Does globalization affect the demand-side of politics, and if so, how? This paper builds on new developments in trade theory to argue that globalization matters, but that its effects on individuals’ perceptions of labor market risk and policy preferences are more heterogenous than previous research has acknowledged. Globalization exposure increases risk perceptions and demands for social protection among low-skilled individuals, but decreases them among high-skilled individuals. This conditional effect is observationally distinct from classic trade models as well as arguments that deindustrialization or ideology predominantly drive such perceptions and preferences. Analyzing cross-national survey data from 16 European countries and focusing both on trade and offshoring, the empirical analyses support the prediction that exposure to globalization affects high- and low-skilled individuals differently, leading to variation in labor market risk perceptions and policy preferences.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document