Evaluating environmental benefits from changes in water abstraction and waste water disposal

Water Policy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 439-458
Author(s):  
K. G. Willis

Water companies are regional monopolies in the UK. The minimum standards of service and prices they can charge for water supply and sewage, are set by the government and the regulator OFWAT. This paper outlines the scope for the Environment Agency (EA) to impose higher standards on water companies than the statutory minimum, in order to generate greater environmental benefits. It investigates how the inappropriate application of the technique to assess environmental benefits by the EA leads to too many environmental schemes passing a cost–benefit test and hence how too much investment may be channelled into environmental schemes in relation to the benefits the public really receive from the improvements. By inappropriate application of environmental valuation methods, the EA is shaping public policy through institutional practice.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-165

Brunei is seeing a proliferation of bottled companies established in the country in the last decade, driven by cheap water supplies, easily available water filtering systems and demand by the public. This research found 16 ‘companies,’ ‘producing’ and distributing over 34 brands of bottled waters in the country. Since bottled water industry is ‘popular,’ it is necessary to understand how the industry is being monitored and regulated by the government as it involved products consumed by the public. Since most of the bottled water companies use water drawn from the pipes supplied by the government, it is also important to understand how the government is protecting, monitoring and regulating this valuable resource from exploitation. This paper is a preliminary research on the bottled water industry in Brunei Darussalam.


2007 ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Liz Lee-Kelley ◽  
Ailsa Kolsaker

The central government in the UK is determined to employ new surveillance technology to combat the threat of terrorist activities. This chapter contributes to the important debate on the relationship between citizens and the government, by discussing not whether electronic surveillance should be used, but rather, when it is acceptable to the populace. From our analysis, we conclude that a reconciliation of state-interest and self-interest is critical for the success of e-governance; as such, electronic surveillance’s mission has to be about serving the law-abiding majority and their needs, and its scope and benefits must be clearly understood by the visionaries, implementers and the citizenry.


2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Leyli Ali Allakhverdieva ◽  

The author measures the degree of of the public regulation of the information services provision via media (media liberalism degree), namely via printed media, and television and radio broadcasting. The methodology of measurement of media liberalism degree (media freedom subindex) is part of the index of liberalism (or dirigisme in opposite) of information services, prepared according to Professor N. Muzaffarli’s assessment of the degree of the government intervention in the economy. In order to measure the media freedom subindex, the following indicators are used: the VAT index on printed publications, the VAT index on television and radio broadcasting, the index of license fee for watching TV, the VAT index of license fee for watching TV, the index of penalty for late VAT payment, the corporate tax index, the ratio of private and the state TV channels subindex. Measuring those indices in the studied group of countries made it possible to establish that: 1) Azerbaijan and Georgia are the most liberal countries with regard to the VAT index on printed publications, Bulgaria is the most dirigiste country; 2) the minimal VAT index on television and radio broadcasting is observed in Malta, the maximal - in Hungary; 3) in most countries the index of license fee for watching TV is lowest, with Austria having the highest indicator; 4) in Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, Georgia and Armenia there is no concept of license fee for watching TV, respectively there is no related VAT; in the UK, Ireland, Malta, the Netherlands and Sweden this type of tax is not levied either; 5) the most liberal country in terms of the index of penalty for late VAT payment is Hungary, whereas Slovenia is the most dirigiste; 6) the most liberal country with regard to the corporate tax index is Hungary, while the most dirigiste is Malta; 7) in most countries the ratio of the private and state-owned TV channels subindex is equal to zero (there are no local public TV channels), with France being the most dirigiste country in terms of the subindex mentioned above. It can be noted that the most liberal media belong to Cyprus, the most dirigiste - to France. In most of the researched countries the media are more liberal than the relative center shows. It has been found that most countries with a higher level of economic development adhere to less dirigiste media policies, and vice versa. Also, there are countries that do not lend themselves to this pattern, for example, Ireland.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 283-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Adegbite ◽  
Philip Shrives ◽  
Timothy Nichol

Incessant corporate failures have led to increasing governmental participation in the governance of the modern corporation. In this conceptual paper, we examine and propose that the role of government in the UK corporate governance system is four fold, namely: to enhance competitive advantage; to compensate for the failure of self-regulation; to prevent corporate scandals and restore investors’ confidence; and owing to significant public pressures and associated political undertones, to suggest to the public the government is still an effective overseer in the existing prominence of self-regulation. We contribute to the literature on corporate governance, politics, policy making and regulatory institutions, whilst raising important issues that are of practice and policy relevance.


Author(s):  
Gordon H. John ◽  
Nigel Reeves ◽  
Amy C. Nisbet ◽  
Clive R. Williams ◽  
Andrew Garnet

The UK Surplus Source Disposal Programme (SSDP), managed by the Environment Agency, was designed to remove redundant radioactive sources from the public domain. The UK Government Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) was concerned that disused sources were being retained by hospitals, universities and businesses, posing a risk to public health and the environment. AMEC provided a range of technical and administrative services to support the SSDP. A questionnaire was issued to registered source holders and the submitted returns compiled to assess the scale of the project. A member of AMEC staff was seconded to the Environment Agency to provide technical support and liaise directly with source holders during funding applications, which would cover disposal costs. Funding for disposal of different sources was partially based on a sliding scale of risk as determined by the IAEA hazard categorisation system. This funding was also sector dependent. The SSDP was subsequently expanded to include the disposal of luminised aircraft instruments from aviation museums across the UK. These museums often hold significant radiological inventories, with many items being unused and in a poor state of repair. These instruments were fully characterised on site by assessing surface dose rate, dimensions, source integrity and potential contamination issues. Calculations using the Microshield computer code allowed gamma radiation measurements to be converted into total activity estimates for each source. More than 11,000 sources were disposed of under the programme from across the medical, industrial, museum and academic sectors. The total activity disposed of was more than 8.5E+14 Bq, and the project was delivered under budget.


Legalities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-143
Author(s):  
Kim Barker ◽  
Enrique Uribe-Jongbloed ◽  
Tobias Scholz

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted – across intricate borders, different geographies, and legal jurisdictions – that there is only so much that can be done in the way of governance to tackle the challenge posed by a virus. The pandemic is a global problem, one which has affected almost every country in significant and seldom-felt ways. Governments have been forced to react, to respond with emergency measures, temporary rules and legislation, and impose restrictions on freedoms. It has brought to the fore a range of responses, locally, regionally, nationally, and internationally. What is particularly evident across the unfolding of the pandemic is the divergent approaches in introducing governance measures to control behaviour, to share data and information, and to report on the pandemic while holding decision-makers to account. Much of the reporting of government reactions to the pandemic has focussed on emergency restrictions, lockdowns, the suspension of ‘normal’ gatherings, public health data, and tracing apps. Each of these is bundled up with concerns over the interferences with freedoms, a lack of scrutiny and holding to account of governance bodies and lawmakers, and privacy concerns. The new ways of working, governing, and communicating emergency rules is a COVID-19 legacy for governments, but is it one that will shift our expectations? The balance between fundamental freedoms has been – to an extent – pitted against the public health agenda and the nature of the emergency response by governments across the world, but particularly in Germany, the UK, and South America. This article explores the nature of the government responses through emergency measures (and restrictions) and tracing programmes in three countries: Germany, the United Kingdom, and Colombia. The assessment – and comparison – of three countries, across two diverse regions – offers a unique discussion from the perspective of pandemic responses to the COVID-19 emergency. The pandemic itself provides an opportunity to compare countries, governance responses, and legalities that may not otherwise be possible. The myriad of responses seen throughout the pandemic offers a unique opportunity for comparative discussion – this paper provides that discussion, but in so doing, assesses whether it is possible to recommend a ‘one size fits all’ approach to governance emergencies.


2011 ◽  
pp. 2597-2609
Author(s):  
Liz Lee-Kelley ◽  
Ailsa Kolsaker

The central government in the UK is determined to employ new surveillance technology to combat the threat of terrorist activities. This chapter contributes to the important debate on the relationship between citizens and the government, by discussing not whether electronic surveillance should be used, but rather, when it is acceptable to the populace. From our analysis, we conclude that a reconciliation of state-interest and self-interest is critical for the success of e-governance; as such, electronic surveillance’s mission has to be about serving the law-abiding majority and their needs, and its scope and benefits must be clearly understood by the visionaries, implementers and the citizenry.


Author(s):  
James Herbert

This chapter discusses the reintegration of the need for Humanities Research Council back onto the public agenda and into the policy stream of the UK government. The issue of the Research Council for the humanities came into public and governmental attention when it was fastened to the dilemmas of financing higher education, which itself was tied to the uncertainty of the UK economy. In May 1996, the Secretary of State for Education and Employment together with Secretaries of State for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland appointed Chairman Ron Dearing to create a body that would inquire into the higher education system of the UK. In 1997, the committee produced a report, Higher Education in a Learning Society, or the Dearing Report. The report charted a course for higher education in the UK for the next twenty years. This so-called intellectual capital called for a higher quality of teaching and the need for researchers and research facilities. It offered 93 specific recommendations, among which was a recommendation advocating the immediate establishment of a new Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). In 1998, the government recognized the need for the establishment of a research council for humanities and announced the provision of £8M in 1998–1999 for arts and humanities research, albeit after lengthy considerations.


Author(s):  
Vernon Bogdanor

‘Joined-up government’ has been a topic of important discussion in the early twenty-first century as much as it was in the end of the twentieth century. Reinventing government was a move towards the ‘new public management’ which revolved on the importance to stimulate a business situation in the government and to apply the disciplines of the market to the public sector. The joined-up government on the other hand advocated a more holistic approach. It not only sought to apply the logic of economics but also the insights of other social sciences such as sociology and cultural theory to reform and change public service. This book focuses on the joined-up government strategy of the UK government. This strategy sought not only to bring together the government departments and agencies but also a number of various private and voluntary bodies for a common goal. The chapters in this book discusses the various barriers to the joined-up government such as contrasting perspectives of the central and local government, the conflicting departmental interests, and the diverging interests of the professionals.


Author(s):  
Daniel James Mchenry ◽  
Nigel Mckelvey

There is growing concern that a new data ethics regime that has been introduced into the current draft of the data protection bill may be ethically problematic. The changes are designed to be a framework for data processing but health data privacy advocacy group medconfidential has voiced their concerns at the development. The provider has claimed that the government is trying to push through the regime without first giving the public a chance to engage in discussions about how public-sector data should be stored and processed. This article will discuss ethical issues surrounding the proposed bill as well as big data analytics and will discuss the role played by government in data processing in the UK. It will discuss the arguments for and against the government's proposals. It will be important for the UK government along with all data processors and data controllers to ensure that large amounts of data from all UK citizens across all sectors is handled correctly.


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