Chinese Diaspora Policy From Jiang Zemin to Xi Jinping (Part 2)

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (003) ◽  
pp. 116-132
Author(s):  
Alina AFONASYEVA
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Diaspora ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Jiang Zemin ◽  
Diaspora Policy

Overseas Chinese Affairs Policy of the PRC from Jiang Zemin to Xi Jinping (Part 1)

2021 ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Chinese Diaspora ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Flexible System ◽  
Jiang Zemin

The article is devoted to the PRC's overseas Chinese affairs policy during the reign of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present).During this period, the previously created mechanisms of foreign policy towards Overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren) and domestic policy towards re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan) became a flexible system, which can adapt to the Chinese and international reality, and effectively attracting the resources of the diaspora to the implementation of large-scale projects and initiatives of the PRC. The first part of the article analyzes the theoretical views and attitudes of Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping to work with the Chinese diaspora. It presents the theory of overseas Chinese as a unique resource and advantage for the large-scale development of the PRC; as a "three great available opportunities" for building a moderately prosperous society, combating separatism, developing public diplomacy; and as an important part of foreign relations of China and an as a supporting force for the stimulation the state's development. It outlines the guiding ideologies, key principles, and objectives of this work. It analyzes the main directions of foreign policy towards overseas Chinese. The author focuses on the issues of protecting the rights and interests of compatriots abroad, uniting the Chinese diaspora, attracting huaqiao-huazhen to the development of trade and economic cooperation of the PRC with foreign states and business, and organizing the participation of huaqiao-huazhen in the reunification of the motherland. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese.

Overseas Chinese Policy of the PRC from Jiang Zemin to Xi Jinping (Part 2)

2021 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Alina Afonasieva
Keyword(s):  
Business Environment ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Internal Development ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
Jiang Zemin

The conclusion. Beginning at FES No. 4, 2021 The second part of the article analyzes the domestic policy towards overseas Chinese (huaqiao-huaren), re-emigrants and relatives of emigrants and re-emigrants (guiqiao-qiaojuan). Under Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping (1993 — present), domestic policy towards overseas Chinese continued in three previously formed key areas: attracting investment, remittances, and donations. There are new and fundamentally important directions in domestic policy: conducting advertising and presentation events, creating specialized projects for business, and protecting the rights of huaqiao in the PRC. Domestic policy towards guiqiao-qiaojuan includes the creation of a legislative framework to protect their rights and interests in the PRC, and the development of specific projects for their adaptation and improvement of living conditions. One of these projects is the so-called overseas Chinese farms created under Mao Zedong for repatriates, in which the relatives of emigrants were also employed. The research is based on the main legislative acts and documents related to huaqiao-huaren and guiqiao-qiaojuan.   The article concludes that the modern overseas Chinese affairs policy of the PRC demonstrates full connection with the main external and internal development projects of the country. It has developed into a full-scale system of cooperation with overseas Chinese, considering the national interests and the interests of the diaspora as much as possible. This system works to attract and use the resources of the diaspora in accordance with the requests of the PRC, and to create a comfortable business environment for the Chinese in the world.

From Power Balance to Dominant Faction in Xi Jinping's China

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Eun Kyong Choi ◽  
John Wagner Givens ◽  
Andrew MacDonald
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Power Balance ◽  
Deng Xiaoping ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Jiang Zemin ◽  
Power Balancing

Abstract Many China watchers argue that Xi Jinping has concentrated power in his own hands in a manner unprecedented since the death of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. This article tests the extent of Xi's power consolidation by comparing the strength of his faction during his time in power to similar periods under his two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Furthermore, we investigate whether a dominant faction is emerging under Xi Jinping, replacing the power balancing between factions that was the norm throughout the reform era. Analysing factional affiliations of Chinese leaders in the top four ranks, we find that Xi has formed a dominant faction. Through statistical analysis of the promotion chances of provincial leaders, we find that Xi has been unusually successful when compared to previous leaders at promoting his clients. This suggests that Xi has boosted the power of his faction by elevating provincial leaders to an extent not seen since the death of Mao and Deng.

Felling Jiang Zemin would cement Xi's power

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Elite Politics ◽  
Jiang Zemin ◽  
The Military

Subject Elite politics in China. Significance Indications are emerging that President Xi Jinping may be preparing to eliminate the still-powerful retired President Jiang Zemin by prosecuting him for corruption. Impacts Economic and financial troubles will make demonstrations of success elsewhere all the more important, including anti-corruption efforts. Breaking Jiang's influence in the military could help Xi push through restructuring plans. Jiang is among China's best-known politicians internationally; publicly shaming him could hurt the image of the Party and the country.

The discursive strategy of news reports about Chinese leaders in the Russian media

2021 ◽  
pp. 70-80
Author(s):  
Я. Ли ◽  
Ю. Чу
Keyword(s):  
High Frequency ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Personal Quality ◽  
Functional Linguistics ◽  
News Reports ◽  
Russian Media ◽  
Discursive Strategy ◽  
Jiang Zemin ◽  
High Frequency Words ◽  
Great Revival

В статье проведен анализ микротекстов новостных сообщений российских СМИ о китайских лидерах, изучены дискурсивные стратегии. В статье используется корпусный инструмент AntConc 3.4.3 для извлечения высокочастотных слов и анализа коллокаций (т.е. словосочетаний); используется метод системно-функцио-нальной лингвистики Хэллидея для анализа транзитивности, интертекстуальности текстов в корпусах. Результаты анализа показывают, что новостные сообщения о китайских председателях в российских СМИ имеют положительное значение в общем, имидж председателей Китая также является положительным. Расширение и углубление сфер китайско-российского сотрудничества и отношений между двумя странами всегда находятся в центре внимания российских СМИ. В новостных сообщениях о китайских председателях российские СМИ создают образ китайского председателя как друга и единомышленника России. От председателя Цзян Цзэминя до председателя Си Цзиньпина степень дружбы постепенно увеличивалась. Российские СМИ наиболее основательно создают имидж руководства Си Цзиньпина. С помощью прямых и косвенных цитат они подчеркивают лидерский имидж председателя Си Цзиньпина и его личные качества, которые помогают вести Китай к великому возрождению. This paper analyzes the microtexts of news reports of the Russian media about Chinese leaders, as well as to study the discursive strategy used by the Russian media in news reports about Chinese leaders. The article uses the corpus tool AntConc 3. 4. 3 to extract high-frequency words and analyze collocations (i.e. phrases); the Halliday method of system-functional linguistics is used to analyze transitivity, intertextuality of texts in corpora. The results of the analysis show that news reports about the Chinese presidents in the Russian media show a positive value in general and the image of the Chinese presidents is also positive. The expansion and deepening of the spheres of Sino-Russian cooperation and relations between the two countries are always in the center of attention of the Russian media. In news reports about the Chinese chairmen, the Russian media create the image of the Chinese chairmen as a friend and like-minded person of Russia. From Chairman Jiang Zemin to President Xi Jinping, the degree of friendship gradually deepened. The Russian media always create the image of the leadership of the Chinese presidents and most thoroughly create the image of the leadership of Xi Jinping. With the help of direct and indirect quotes, they emphasize the leadership image of President Xi Jinping and his personal quality in the process of leading China to a great revival.

Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-49
Author(s):  
Lars Wächter
Keyword(s):  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Belt And Road

Chinas Staatschef Xi Jinping will das „Reich der Mitte“ bis 2049 zur neuen Weltmacht führen. Dazu soll die alte Seidenstraße zu neuem Leben erweckt werden. Belt and Road Initiative heißt das Megaprojekt, das in den nächsten Jahren die Weltwirtschaft massiv verändern wird.

The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Ágnes Vass
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Western Canada ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
State Budget ◽  
External Voting ◽  
Diaspora Policy

AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.

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