The Political Determinants of Federal Expenditure at the State Level

Author(s):  
Gary A. Hoover ◽  
Paul Pecorino
Public Choice ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 123 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 95-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary A. Hoover ◽  
Paul Pecorino

Healthcare ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Feinhandler ◽  
Benjamin Cilento ◽  
Brad Beauvais ◽  
Jordan Harrop ◽  
Lawrence Fulton

Coronavirus (COVID-19) is a potentially fatal viral infection. This study investigates geography, demography, socioeconomics, health conditions, hospital characteristics, and politics as potential explanatory variables for death rates at the state and county levels. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Census Bureau, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid, Definitive Healthcare, and USAfacts.org were used to evaluate regression models. Yearly pneumonia and flu death rates (state level, 2014–2018) were evaluated as a function of the governors’ political party using a repeated measures analysis. At the state and county level, spatial regression models were evaluated. At the county level, we discovered a statistically significant model that included geography, population density, racial and ethnic status, three health status variables along with a political factor. A state level analysis identified health status, minority status, and the interaction between governors’ parties and health status as important variables. The political factor, however, did not appear in a subsequent analysis of 2014–2018 pneumonia and flu death rates. The pathogenesis of COVID-19 has a greater and disproportionate effect within racial and ethnic minority groups, and the political influence on the reporting of COVID-19 mortality was statistically relevant at the county level and as an interaction term only at the state level.


1973 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansel G. Blackford

While events of major significance for banking occurred on the national scene in the populist and progressive years, noteworthy changes also materialized on the state level. Like their brethren elsewhere in the country, California bankers struggled through their organizations with such problems as how to achieve “sound banking,” how to influence the political process in their state, and how to give banking more of the trappings of professionalism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 473-487
Author(s):  
Jillian Jaeger

This article tests whether theories of congressional behavior that link legislative responsiveness to the preferences of sub-constituencies at the expense of party preferences apply to the state level. Using ten years of state-level data and roll-call data from nearly 4,000 individual votes on E-Verify legislation, I examine the competing influences of party and constituency preferences on legislative behavior. The results confirm that state legislatures/legislators are responsive to sub-constituencies, but find that responsiveness plays out in different ways depending on the level of analysis and the political party and constituents in question. These results have important implications for our understanding of legislative representation: because responsiveness to sub-constituencies can yield policy results that are antithetical to stated party goals, what appears to be collective irresponsibility from a party may actually be individual legislators striving to be responsive to those constituents that they anticipate will hold them accountable.


Mapping Power ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Sunila S. Kale ◽  
Navroz K. Dubash ◽  
Ranjit Bharvirkar

The introductory chapter lays out the rationale for the volume and provides a framework for analysing the political economy of Indian electricity. We first present a historically-rooted political economy analysis to understand the past and identify reforms for the future of electricity in India. We next outline an analytic framework to guide the empirical chapters of the book, which locates electricity outcomes in the larger political economy of electricity, the field of politics that are specific to each state, and each state’s broader political economy. The chapter ends by providing concise synopses of the state-level narratives of electricity in the fifteen states included in the volume.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Andrii Lysyi

In the framework of reformation changes in the state and society, the issues of the political decision-making theory developing on the basis of neoclassical realism are of particular relevance and determine the directions for research of specialists of different industries. Domestic and foreign researchers in the field of political science, who study the process of political decision-making, analyze it at three principal levels: global, state and sub-state. The global level reflects the international character of states’ activities; includes the global dependence of political decision-making, in which international organizations, institutions and norms reduce the anarchy of political decision-making in the country; is formed under the influence of the building and distribution of states and international system images. The state-level reflects the degree of unity that is achieved with the joint participation of both the state and the entire national community of people in political decision-making and in responding to the challenge posed by the international environment. Not only the state level, which considers the attributes of the state as a system of different institutions with their peculiarities of political decision-making, should be distinguished, but also the sub-state level, in which the interaction of social, including individual, and state actors in the process of political decision-making takes place. The issues of population mobilization in the course of implementing a political decision in the Ukrainian context are determined as the presence of various domestic «obstacles» to the implementation of those initiatives that come from the state or public structures. The authors distinguish the most important of them: the bureaucratic nature and corruption of the implementation process of public initiatives in political, social or economic spheres; low political diversity, lack of political party representation in parliament and low functional «maturity» of the legislative branch; an underdeveloped political culture of participation creates burdens when making a political decision since the political system lacks information at its «entrance»; socio-economic problems of the majority of the population that prevent it from responding to political initiatives


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith

This article looks at the process of state formation in Oaxaca during the 1930s. By comparing the political processes at the state level and in the Sierra Juarez, it is argued that both revisionist and Gramscian visions of the post-revolutionary Mexican state minimize the potential for local autonomy and political democracy. In the Sierra Juarez President Cardenas allowed young, progressive village democrats to form their own autonomous regional confederation and halt the political branch of the cargo system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akif Avcı

The primary objective of this study is to examine the dialectical relationship between internal and external factors which shaped the foreign policy approach of the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, the RP) in Turkey in the 1990s. To grasp the class characteristics of the RP, the relationship between the RP and the state within the power bloc, and its relations with global capitalism, this study addresses the connection between neoliberalism and political Islam in Turkey. To achieve this goal, the study focuses on social relations of production, relations at the state level, and international relations which shaped the foreign policy of the RP. Accordingly, it examines the dialectical relationship between the political and the economic which shaped the material basis of the RP and its foreign policy. The study concludes that the analysis of the RP’s foreign policy requires some form of a combination of internal and external factors which form essential extra economic and political conditions for social cohesion. Finally, it demonstrates that there was neither a shift nor a change in Turkish foreign policy under the RP-led coalition government during 1996 and 1997.


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