Estimated Mask Use and Temporal Relationship to COVID-19 Epidemiology of Black Lives Matter Protests in 12 Cities

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Lindsay Quigley ◽  
Phi Yen Nguyen ◽  
Haley Stone ◽  
David J. Heslop ◽  
Abrar Ahmad Chughtai ◽  
...  
Author(s):  
Cheryl Teelucksingh

On August 12, 2017, in Charlottesville, Virginia, alt-right/White supremacy groups and Black Lives Matter (BLM) supporters came face-to-face regarding what to do about public monuments that celebrate key figures from slavery and the Jim Crow era. White supremacists and White nationalists did not hide their racist ideologies as they demanded that their privileged place in history not be erased. The BLM movement, which challenges state-sanctioned anti-Black racism, was ready to confront themes of White discontent and reverse racism, critiques of political correctness, and the assumption that racialized people should know their place and be content to be the subordinate other.It is easy to frame the events in Charlottesville as indicative of US-specific race problems. However, a sense that White spaces should prevail and an ongoing history of anti-Black racism are not unique to the United States. The rise of Canadian activism under the BLM banner also signals a movement to change Canadian forms of institutional racism in policing, education, and the labor market. This article responds to perceptions that the BLM movement has given insufficient attention to environmental concerns (Pellow 2016; Halpern 2017). Drawing on critical race theory as a conceptual tool, this article focuses on the Canadian context as part of the author’s argument in favor of greater collaboration between BLM and the environmental justice (EJ) movement in Canada. This article also engages with the common stereotype that Blacks in Canada have it better than Blacks in the United States.


Author(s):  
Robin D. G. Kelley

Few activists who march behind the banner of Black Lives Matter conceive of their struggle as an appeal to white people for recognition, but until recently the movement’s objective echoed this implicit line of reasoning: if the dominant class, and/or the state, could just recognize that our lives matter, we would be treated differently. Such assumptions can easily lead us down a slippery slope of reducing five centuries of racism, slavery, and colonialism to a fixed ideology of anti-Blackness intrinsic to the European mind, or worse, mistaking a dynamic racial regime for negligence, ignorance, or “blindness” to our humanity, a humanity that requires a visible struggle to be seen. They can lead, that is to say, to a politics in which recognition takes precedence over revolution and reconstruction.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Allende ◽  
Valerie Forman-Hoffman ◽  
Philippe Goldin

UNSTRUCTURED Background: Anxiety and depression symptoms are highly correlated in adults with depression; however, little is known about their interaction and temporal dynamics of change during treatment. Thus, the primary aim of this study was to examine the temporal dynamics of anxiety and depressive symptoms during a 12-week therapist-supported, smartphone-delivered digital health intervention for symptoms of depression and anxiety, the Meru Health Program (MHP). Method: A total of 290 participants from the MHP were included in the present analyses (age Mean = 39.64, SD = 10.25 years; 79% female; 54% self-reported psychotropic medication use). A variance components model was used to examine whether (1) reporting greater anxiety during the current week relative to anxiety reported in other weeks would be associated with greater reporting of depressive symptoms during the current week, while a time-varying effect model was used to examine whether, (2) consistent with findings reported by Wright et al. (2014), the temporal relationship between anxiety and depressive symptoms during the intervention would be expressed as a quadratic function marked by a weak association at baseline, followed by an increase to a peak before demonstrating a negligible decrease until the end of treatment. Results: In support of hypothesis 1, we found that reporting greater anxiety symptoms during the current week relative to other weeks was associated with greater depressive symptoms during the current week. Contrary to hypothesis 2, the temporal relationship between anxiety and depressive symptoms evidenced a recurring pattern, with the association increasing during the initial weeks, decreasing during mid-treatment and sharply increasing toward the end of treatment. Conclusions: The present findings demonstrate that anxiety and depressive symptoms overlap and fluctuate in concert during a smartphone-based intervention for anxiety and depressive symptoms. The present findings may warrant more refined intervention strategies specifically tailored to co-occurring patterns of change in symptoms.


Author(s):  
Yvonne Sherwood

When I began work on this book, back in 2013, I had no nightmares of a man who would be elected to presidential office despite having been recorded bragging openly about ‘grab[bing]’ women ‘by the pussy’: a statement that echoes the worst of biblical pornoprophetic insults, as in Isaiah 3:17. Even the darkest of prophets could not have foretold the appointment of so many North American cabinet members accused of sexual assault, or such a concerted and centralized attack on Planned Parenthood, Black Lives Matter, and queer and migrant/refugee rights. As the essays in this collection clearly show, issues such as hardening borders, guns, and ...


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-465
Author(s):  
Stanley N. Katz ◽  
Leah Reisman

AbstractThis article discusses the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement on the arts and cultural sector in the United States, placing the 2020 crises in the context of the United States’s historically decentralized approach to supporting the arts and culture. After providing an overview of the United States’s private, locally focused history of arts funding, we use this historical lens to analyze the combined effects of the pandemic and Black Lives Matter movement on a single metropolitan area – Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. We trace a timeline of key events in the national and local pandemic response and the reaction of the arts community to the Black Lives Matter movement, arguing that the nature of these intersecting responses, and their fallout for the arts and cultural sector, stem directly from weaknesses in the United States’s historical approach to administering the arts. We suggest that, in the context of widespread organizational vulnerability caused by the pandemic, the United States’s decentralized approach to funding culture also undermines cultural organizations’ abilities to respond to issues of public relevance and demonstrate their civic value, threatening these organizations’ legitimacy.


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