Republican Liberty As Liberty within Rights

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Layman
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Amanda Porterfield

Proponents of social evolution blurred boundaries between commerce and Christianity after the Civil War, championing Christian work as a means to economic growth, republican liberty, and national prosperity. Meanwhile, workers invoked Christ to condemn patronizing attitudes toward labor, and by organizing labor unions to hold capitalists accountable to Pauline ideals of social membership. Influenced by organic theories of social organization that traced modern corporations to medieval institutions, U.S. courts began recognizing corporations as natural persons protected by rights guaranteed in the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which had originally be crafted to protect the rights of African Americans.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Horder

AbstractPhilip Pettit has made central to modern republican theory a distinctive account of freedom—republican freedom. On this account, I am not free solely because I can make choices without interference. I am truly free, only if that non-interference does not itself depend on another’s forbearance (what Pettit calls ‘formal’ freedom). Pettit believes that the principal justification for the traditional focus of the criminal law is that it constitutes a bulwark against domination. I will, in part, be considering the merits of this claim. Is the importance of the orthodox realm of the criminal law solely or mainly explained by the wish to protect people from domination? In short, the answer is that it is not. Across the board, the criminal law rightly protects us equally from threats to what Pettit calls ‘effective,’ as opposed to formal, republican freedom. I will develop my critique of Pettit’s account of criminal law, in part to raise questions about the role of ‘domination’ in political theory, and about whether it poses a significant challenge to liberal accounts of criminal law.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
JENNIFER POWELL MCNUTT ◽  
RICHARD WHATMORE

ABSTRACTEarly in 1782, republican rebels in Geneva removed the city's magistrates and instituted a popular government, portraying themselves as defenders of liberty and Calvinism against the French threats of Catholicism and luxury. But on 1 July 1782, the republicans fled because of the arrival at the city gates of invading troops led by France. The failure of the Genevan revolution indicated that while new republics could be established beyond Europe, republics within Europe, and more especially Protestant republics in proximity to larger Catholic monarchies, were no longer independent states. Many Genevans sought asylum across Europe and in North America in consequence. Some of them looked to Britain and Ireland, attempting to move the industrious part of Geneva to Waterford. During the French Revolution, they sought to establish a republican community in the United States. In each case, a major goal was to transfer the Genevan Academy established in the aftermath of Calvin's Reformation. The anti-religious nature of the French Revolution made the attempt to move the Academy to North America distinctive. By contrast with the Irish case, where religious elements were played down, moving the Academy to North America was supported by religious rhetoric coupled with justifications of republican liberty.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110439
Author(s):  
Kevin Blachford

Republicanism is an approach within political theory that seeks to secure the values of political liberty and non-domination. Yet, in historical practice, early modern republics developed empires and secured their liberty through policies that dominated others. This contradiction presents challenges for how neo-Roman theorists understand ideals of liberty and political freedom. This article argues that the historical practices of slavery and empire developed concurrently with the normative ideals of republican liberty. Republican liberty does not arise in the absence of power but is inherently connected to the exercise of power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 137 (137) ◽  
pp. 47-62
Author(s):  
Alfredo Pizano Ferreira

 La distinción entre el lenguaje del humanismo cívico y el republicanismo resulta una aclaración conceptual adecuada para comprender las acciones de Robespierre ante la apertura de una nueva concepción de la política. En el humanismo cívico es posible encontrar elementos que responden a los presupuestos del comunitarismo, en tanto problemas que se circunscriben a una región limitada, y el republicanismo responde a exigencias que son susceptibles de universalidad. Ahora bien, esta distinción no es clara, ya que, durante la Revolución francesa, en especial en el caso de Robespierre, encontramos una mezcla entre la exigencia de la virtud cívica clásica con la búsqueda de un fundamento de legitimidad política con un enfoque social. Así, la anomalía ideológica de Robespierre solo puede esclarecerse a través de la comprensión de las peculiaridades del lenguaje de la virtud y el universalismo moral  Palabras clave Republicanismo, comunitarismo, lenguaje político, mentalidades. Referencias Baron, H. (1966). The crisis of the early Italian Renaissance. Civic humanism and republican liberty in an age of classicism and tyranny. Princeton, Estados Unidos: Princeton University Press.Benjamin, W. (2013). Über den Begriff der Geschichte. En R. Tiedemann (Ed.).Walter Benjamin. Sprache und Geschichte. Philosophische Essays (pp. 141-154). Stuttgart, Alemania: Reclam.Bergeron, L., Furet, F. y Koselleck, R. (2012). La época de las revoluciones europeas, 1780-1848. Ciudad de México, México: Siglo xxi.Bernal, R. (2016). Fraternidad y democracia en el origen de nuestra modernidad política. En G. Ambriz Arévalo y R. Bernal Lugo (Coords.). El derecho contra el capital. Reflexiones desde la izquierda contemporánea (pp. 36-71). Chilpancingo, México: Contraste.Castro Gómez, S. (2019). Republicanismo transmoderno. En El tonto y los canallas. Notas para un republicanismo transmoderno (pp. 161-220). Bogotá, Colombia: Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana.Dubiel, H., Frankenberg, G. y Rödel, U. (1997). El dispositivo simbólico de la democracia. En La cuestión democrática (pp. 137-192). Madrid, España: Huerga y Fierro Editores.Gauthier, F. (2005, 23 de julio). Robespierre: por una república democrática social. Sin Permiso. Recuperado de http://www.sinpermiso.info/textos/robespierre- por-una-repblica-democrtica-y-social.Gaytán, F. (2016). Hacia los nuevos testamentos jacobinos: los decálogos normativos para la laicidad. En Manual de redentores: laicidad y derechos, entre populismo y neojacobinismo (pp. 57-101). Ciudad de México, México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México-Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas.Gilroy, P. (2014). El Atlántico negro. Modernidad y doble conciencia. Madrid, España: Akal.James, C. L. R. (2003). Los jacobinos negros. Toussaint L’Overture y la Revolución de Haití. Ciudad de México, México: Turner-Fondo de Cultura Económica.Kant, I. (1900 s.). Kant’s Gesammelte Schriften (Editado por la Real Academia Prusiana de las Ciencias). Berlín, Alemania: Reimer [hoy De Gruyter]. Koselleck, R. (2017). Erfahrungsraum und Erwartungshorizont zwei historischen Kategorien. En Vergangene Zukunft. Zur Semantik geschichtlicher Zeiten (pp. 349-375). Fráncfort, Alemania: Suhrkamp Verlag.Mandeville, B. (1983). La fábula de las abejas. Ciudad de México, México: Fondo de Cultura Económica.Maquiavelo, N. (2015). Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio. Madrid, España: Alianza.McPherson, C.B. (1962). The political theory of possessive individualism: Hobbes to Locke. Nueva York, Estados Unidos: Oxford University Press.  


Author(s):  
Hilary Gatti

This chapter examines Niccolò Machiavelli's ideas about liberty. It considers Machiavelli's Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy (1584), which contains Machiavelli's treatment of republican liberty and is considered to be his greatest contribution to the discussion of the tensions between political power and the liberty of both the individual citizen and the community at large. Alongside the conflict between law and the liberty of the republican citizen, the chapter turns to another key point in Machiavelli's arguments about liberty—the contradictions between liberty and what he calls fortuna (good luck or good fortune). Next, the chapter studies Machiavelli's Discourses in light of the genre of the utopia, as conceived by Sir Thomas More. Finally, the chapter takes a more detailed look into Machiavelli's other famous work, The Prince (1532).


Author(s):  
Douglas Hunter

This chapter trace the rise of scholarly misinterpretations of Dighton Rock in the eighteenth century in writings of Cotton Mather and Harvard professors Isaac Greenwood, John Winthrop, and Stephen Sewall. The parallel evolution of human migration theories is traced in the writing of Jean-François Lafitau. Gothicism, a fusion of White race destiny, Noachic lineage, culture, republican liberty, and civilization, is introduced through the works of Olf Rudbeks, Pierre-Henri Mallet, and the Baron de Montesquieu. Ideas about Indigenous origins and human evolution are presented by the Comte de Buffon. Ezra Stiles includes Dighton Rock in his ideas about ancient Hebrew and Phoenician migrants. Phoenicians become the leading candidates for the rock’s markings. Contributions to migration theories are noted by Pehr Kalm and Johann Forster. Linnaeus, a protégé of Rudbeks’ son, develops his human racial scheme with Europeans a superior race, with further refinements by Johann F. Blumenbach and Christoph Meiners. Gothicist Europeans are championed as the superior human form while Indigenous people are thought to have descended from inferior Asian Tartars.


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