A Study on the Role of the Social Cleavages Caused by Modernization in Political Instability in Iran (1941-1978)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hadi Rashedi
Urbanisation ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devesh Kapur

Urbanisation is as much a social process as it is an economic and spatial process. Cities are sites of social change that offer possibilities for social mobility by disrupting the social stratifications of rural societies. If so, what does India’s rapid urbanisation mean for social identities and social cleavages in the country? The article examines some of the principal mechanisms that will determine whether India’s urban future lies in a burgeoning cosmopolitan sensibility or in sharpening social cleavages. These include new and varied occupations and patterns of employment, the nature of housing and transportation and, crucially, the nature and role of the middle class. If urbanisation’s promise in transforming social identities in India is to be realised, the pattern of urbanisation and urban governance must fundamentally change. India needs many more large cities, which are also better funded and governed, which is unlikely to happen unless the promise of the 74th amendment to the Indian Constitution empowering urban local bodies is realised. The degree to which this will occur will have profound effects on India’s urban trajectory—and with it, the very nature of Indian society and its social cleavages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-68
Author(s):  
Nazir Siyal

This research article’s primary goal is to determine the triggers and implications of Pakistan’s political instability and its effects on the political situation of Sindh during the democratic decade from 1988 to 1999. Despite abundant natural resources, Pakistan is one of the only countries where political unrest has severely hampered the social and political development of the country. So, this paper aims to understand the leading factors of political instability that weakened the country’s political growth and led the nation in general and Sindh province, in particular, to suffer social and ethnic problems in society. To understand the issue deeply, the researcher used unstructured Interviews as a research tool with law-makers, academicians, and political scientists. However, many interviewees accepted that the lack of enthusiastic leadership, the Role of the weak judiciary, the passive role of civil bureaucracy, and political ethnicity had been the leading factors for political and social unrest. Thus, the study’s findings would help the law-makers and academicians of different colleges and universities to design their policies and curriculum. Additionally, this paper would help various nationalists and political parties of Sindh province to comprehend the genuine reasons for unrest in the area from 1988 to 1999. Key Words:  Political instability, Weak Judiciary, Political ethnicity, Foreign interference, Role of civil bureaucracy


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cedric De Leon ◽  
Manali Desai ◽  
Cihan Tuğal

Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community. Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how “political articulation” has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Bonetto ◽  
Fabien Girandola ◽  
Grégory Lo Monaco

Abstract. This contribution consists of a critical review of the literature about the articulation of two traditionally separated theoretical fields: social representations and commitment. Besides consulting various works and communications, a bibliographic search was carried out (between February and December, 2016) on various databases using the keywords “commitment” and “social representation,” in the singular and in the plural, in French and in English. Articles published in English or in French, that explicitly made reference to both terms, were included. The relations between commitment and social representations are approached according to two approaches or complementary lines. The first line follows the role of commitment in the representational dynamics: how can commitment transform the representations? This articulation gathers most of the work on the topic. The second line envisages the social representations as determinants of commitment procedures: how can these representations influence the effects of commitment procedures? This literature review will identify unexploited tracks, as well as research perspectives for both areas of research.


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