Public Media Do Serve the State: A Field Experiment

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shuhei Kitamura ◽  
Toshifumi Kuroda
Keyword(s):  
Field Experiment ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Media

scholarly journals Coronavirus in Spain: Fear of ‘Official’ Fake News Boosts WhatsApp and Alternative Sources

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 462-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Elías ◽  
Daniel Catalan-Matamoros
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
The State ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Public Media ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Alternative Sources ◽  
Official Sources

The communication of the Coronavirus crisis in Spain has two unexpected components: the rise of the information on social networks, especially WhatsApp, and the consolidation of TV programs on mystery and esotericism. Both have emerged to “tell the truth” in opposition to official sources and public media. For a country with a long history of treating science and the media as properties of the state, this very radical development has surprised communication scholars.

The State and Media Financing: Bulgaria and the Mediterranean Media Model

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Communist Country ◽  
Media System ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Government

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.

Jury Service as Civic Engagement

2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Bloeser ◽  
Carl McCurley ◽  
Jeffery J. Mondak
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Field Experiment ◽  
Personality Traits ◽  
Resource Constraints ◽  
The State ◽  
Civic Responsibility ◽  
Holistic Understanding ◽  
Jury Service ◽  
Jury Duty ◽  
Positive Effect

Much like other forms of civic engagement, many Americans apparently perceive jury “duty” as optional, a circumstance that often has left courts struggling to seat juries. Considering how individuals orient themselves to this often neglected form of civic responsibility facilitates a more holistic understanding of citizen behavior and its antecedents. In this article, we explore the possible effects of resources, barriers and personality traits on jury summons compliance. Data are drawn from a field experiment and corresponding survey conducted in the State of Washington. Results reveal that cultural/linguistic factors act as strong barriers to jury service and that people’s personality traits influence summons compliance. Efforts to reduce resource constraints via heightened juror pay brought no positive effect on compliance rates.

scholarly journals COVID-19, mobility and self-isolation. Experiences of the Serbia’s citizens in the times of global pandemic

Sociologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-485
Author(s):  
Jelena Pesic
Keyword(s):  
Online Survey ◽  
The State ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Given

The COVID-19 pandemic caused by the SARS-Cov-2 virus and closing the state borders across the world led to the mass return of the citizens of Serbia immediately before and after the declaration of the state of emergency in March 2020. The measure of placing under health supervision and the obligation of self-isolation, were the key means of mobility management in the situation of the health crisis in Serbia. How were the given measures implemented? How did they affect the citizens who returned to the country? What resources did they have at their disposal and in what way did they meet their basic needs during self-isolation? How was their experience of self-isolation shaped by public media perceptions of diaspora by representatives of the authorities and by their own social environment during the state of emergency? The aim of this paper is to answer these questions relying on the results of the online survey of 305 returnees, conducted during April and May 2020 by the researchers from the Institute for Sociological Research of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade.

scholarly journals An In-Situ Assessment of Wood-in-Service Using Microwave Technologies, with a Focus on Assessing Hardwood Power Poles

Insects ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 568
Author(s):  
Graham Brodie ◽  
Deepan Babu Thanigasalam ◽  
Peter Farrell ◽  
Allison Kealy ◽  
John R. J. French ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Field Experiment ◽  
Mutual Coupling ◽  
Microwave Field ◽  
Electrical Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Subterranean Termite ◽  
In Situ Assessment ◽  
Termite Attack ◽  
Power Utilities

Wooden power poles and their ongoing inspection represent a significant investment for most electrical power utilities. This study explored the potential for using microwave fields to non-invasively assess the state of hardwood power poles in a field experiment. Two strategies were assessed: 2.4 GHz microwave field transmission through the pole; and mutual coupling between antennae using a 10.525 GHz radar module applied to the surface of the pole. Both systems distinguished between sound hardwood poles and those which were compromised by decay and subterranean termite attack and infestation.

THE “JEWISH QUESTION” IN POSTCOLONIAL MOROCCAN CINEMA

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Kosansky ◽  
Aomar Boum
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The State ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Government Control ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Representation ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Direct Government

AbstractIn this historically and anthropologically oriented article, we situate the recent wave of Jewish-themed Moroccan films within the context of the liberalizing transformations and associated nationalist narratives promoted by the current Moroccan regime. Reflecting Mohammed VI's commitment to widening the space of civil society, the task of enacting these transformations and producing these narratives devolves increasingly to nonstate agents in the public sphere. Previously monopolized and managed more comprehensively by the state, the “Jewish Question”—that is, contestations over representations of Jews as authentic members of the Moroccan body politic—is now taken up in a range of public media less subject to direct government control. We demonstrate that the role of cinema in this process reflects the shifting relationship between state and civil society in the late postcolonial period. More specifically, we argue that the production, circulation, and reception of Jewish-themed films is diagnostic of the state's ability to open new spaces of public representation and debate that foster precisely those images of the state and nation promoted by the current regime in regional and global contexts.

The Provision of Constituency Service

2019 ◽  
pp. 71-92
Author(s):  
Jennifer Bussell
Keyword(s):  
Field Experiment ◽  
Strong Evidence ◽  
The State ◽  
Preferential Treatment ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Constituency Service ◽  
High Level ◽  
Electoral Preferences

Chapter 3 draws on a field experimental audit of politicians with a near census of Indian state and national legislators to show that, on the whole, politicians do not take indicators of partisanship into account when responding to individual-level requests. Specifically, this national field experiment shows that for India’s high-level politicians, information on electoral preferences does not affect the willingness of representatives to respond to an individual’s request for assistance. In addition, indications of shared ethnicity, e.g., caste, which may be closely tied to political preferences, do not result in preferential treatment. Overall, these findings offer strong evidence that the aid high-level politicians offer to individuals requiring assistance navigating the state is often noncontingent in nature, taking the form of constituency service.

Undoing the Institutions of the Democratic State

2019 ◽  
pp. 132-149
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sadurski
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Commercial Media ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Ruling Party

This chapter covers how, from the very beginning, the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS)) party targeted five democratic institutions as obstacles to its capture of the state. First, it looks at the parliamentary opposition being marginalized and effectively silenced. Second, it details how the civil service has been subjected to political control, and the principles of professionalism and neutrality in the civil service have been abandoned. Third, the chapter looks at the public media being transformed into a propaganda machine for the ruling party, and the commercial media being threatened with laws that would constrain their operation. Fourth, it considers how electoral commissions have been effectively subjected to the executive, which renders massive electoral frauds possible. Finally, the chapter looks at how institutions dispensing grants and subsidies to civil society organizations have been centralized and subjected to the executive. All these institutions provide a buffer for the population from the arbitrary will of politicians, which is why PiS could not tolerate them.

scholarly journals Securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic by metaphoric discourse during the state of emergency in Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (9/10) ◽  
pp. 1167-1182
Author(s):  
Anna Molnár ◽  
Lili Takács ◽  
Éva Jakusné Harnos
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Computer Assisted ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Verbal Messages

PurposePoliticians' response to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic worldwide relied on war scenarios having a tradition in disease management. The study contrasts how the political measures introduced during the state of emergency were presented by the Prime Minister of Hungary in his social media posts and his speeches and announcements broadcast by public media.Design/methodology/approachA computer-assisted content analysis was conducted to extract data on war and military metaphors, followed by a qualitative analysis of the metaphor scenarios used for explaining the situation and justifying action. The role of the prime minister (PM) indicated by the social media posts and by his transcripted speeches was compared with the suggestion of the visual illustrations.FindingsThe study’s findings were that verbal communication shifted between war-related metaphoric to military-related realistic. The third conceptual domain identified was fear. Messages were mostly about national cohesion, however, visually, the PM was the protagonist of the events. The communication proved efficient according to opinion polls.Originality/valueThe research revealed how the securitization of the pandemic took place via the political discourse constructed both for Internet users and traditional media consumers. Metaphors of fear, war and military action created the justification of the declaration of a state of emergency. The PM as a capable and responsible leader was placed in focus of the events. Although verbal messages by the PM were centred on a sense of community and joint action, the personalization of political action was remarkable by indirect means, such as visual messages. The personalization of politics throughout the period researched served the purpose of securitization of the pandemic with the PM as a charismatic leader attracting attention and giving credit to the severity of the threat along with the introduction of extraordinary measures.

scholarly journals Broadcasting Public Service in the Arab World: Rupture and Continuity

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-112
Author(s):  
Jamel Zran ◽  
Moez Ben Messaoud
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The World ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112 

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