Interstate Gun Movement Is Almost Entirely Due to Migration, Not Gun Trafficking

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Kleck
Keyword(s):  
2010 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mona A. Wright ◽  
Garen J. Wintemute ◽  
Daniel W. Webster

2015 ◽  
Vol 169 (2) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy A. Dodson ◽  
David Hemenway
Keyword(s):  

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. i-iv
Author(s):  
Katherine Bullock

The “war on terror” has become one of those discursive moral high groundsthat, in reality, serve as a smokescreen to conceal the imperial ambitions of apolitical elite. While the corporate media generally supports this elite by(mis)informing the general public about the war’s “progress,” more pertinentthreats fail to attract the same kind of political attention (and general handwringing) associated with the “green menace.” I could be referring to globalwarming, which some scientists consider one of the greatest threats to humanlife, or to the spread of such deadly diseases as the H1V avian flu virus.Actually, I am referring to organized crime and its links to biker gangs.On 8 April 2006, the worst mass murder in recent Ontario historyoccurred near Shedden, a small southwestern town where the bodies of eightmen were found in a local farmer’s field. Police arrested five people, includinga Bandido motorcycle club member. The killings were club related, as thevictims were members or associate members of the club. The Bandidos are a“outlaw” biker motorcycle club, held to represent that 1 percent who engagein criminal activity. As is usually the case, this minority wreaks havoc by itsmembers’ involvement in car/motorcycle theft, drugs, prostitution, gun trafficking,and similar criminal activities. They also contribute to gun-relateddeaths and maimings, drug addiction, and theft.Given this reality, biker gang-related activities are of grave concern tocommunity health and safety. And yet the West’s public venom is mostly preservedfor Muslims, most of whom are peace-loving people seeking to livequiet productive lives in safe neighborhoods. It is this overarching discourseof the supposedly “evil” scourge of Muslims against the backdrop of themore tangible, long-term, and widespread threats of organized crime that isworrying on at least two fronts. First, its demonization of Muslims makestheir lives in the West an increasingly problematic experience and, second, itfocuses the public’s attention on an abstract threat (“terror”) while divertingattention from more tangible (if intractable) threats, thereby allowing theUnited States’ neoconservative imperial ambitions to proceed.Maligning Muslims and Islam is reaching a dangerous level of acceptabilityin the United States and elsewhere in the West, even at the level ofpolitical discourse, and is buttressed by a largely supportive general public.The result: no-fly lists, racial profiling, and the jailing and torture of Muslims ...


Pained ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Michael D. Stein ◽  
Sandro Galea

This chapter studies how states with stricter firearm legislation have fewer fatal police shootings—defined as the rate of people killed by law enforcement agencies. The authors of a 2017 study used two data sources to show this relationship: the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence’s legislative scorecard for firearm laws; and The Counted, an online database produced by The Guardian to assess the number of fatal police shootings. The analysis showed that, even after controlling for age, education, violent crime rates, and household gun ownership, states with the strongest firearm legislation had a 51% lower incidence of fatal police shootings compared to states with the weakest firearm laws. The study also assessed the relationship between different types of legislation and rates of fatal police shootings. Laws that strengthen background checks, promote child and consumer safety, and reduce gun trafficking are linked to lower rates of fatal police shootings.


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