A Post-Secular Europe? A Critical Discourse Analysis of European Rulings Regarding Religious Symbols in the Public Sphere

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evina Heydari
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
Nathan Black Rupp

AbstractThis article examines the ways in which states can exercise dispersed disciplinary power as exemplified in a selective erasure of gender from Indiana’s Targeted Regulations of Abortion Providers (TRAP) laws. To do this, this article investigates a critical discourse analysis using Indiana’s TRAP laws that have been brought to the floor of the state legislature from 2013–2018. The major narrative present throughout these texts is an intentional re-framing of gendered subjectivity or who gets to be called “woman”. Such state-driven discourse has the power to regulate social norms. Such norms and language assumptions often find their way into policy, including those defining how women can act or not act in regard to the termination of a pregnancy. Thus, by examining how TRAP laws deploy certain discourse, one better understands how the state, via legislation, takes an active role in controlling the public sphere by becoming an institutionalized pattern of interpretation.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Δημήτριος Σεραφής

Η παρούσα διατριβή επιχειρεί να μελετήσει πως, σημαντικοί κοινωνικοί δρώντες και οργανισμοί (δηλ. πρωθυπουργοί , εφημερίδες και διαδηλωτές), αναπαριστούν την κοινωνική δράση σε διαφορετικά κειμενικά είδη και, πως αυτή η αναπαράσταση δίνει ώθηση σε μια κατασκευή συναισθημάτων, κατασκευάζοντας κρίσιμες στιγμές της ελληνικής κρίσης στη δημόσια σφαίρα. Αξιοποιεί τις θεωρητικές προκείμενες της Κριτικής Ανάλυσης Λόγου (Critical Discourse Analysis - ΚΑΛ, βλ. Fairclough 2003, 2010, 2014; Van Dijk 2008), και την αρχή εξέτασης της αλληλεπίδρασης μεταξύ του μακρο-επιπέδου (macro-level), που περιλαμβάνει τις κυρίαρχες αξίες και οπτικές και του μικρο-επιπέδου (micro-level), που περιλαμβάνει τη γλωσσική τοποθέτηση ατόμων και οργανισμών (βλ. Van Dijk 2008: 85-89), όπως αυτή πραγματώνεται σε τρία κειμενικά είδη, δηλαδή, σε κοινοβουλευτικά πρακτικά, σε τίτλους εφημερίδων και σε συνθήματα γκράφιτι. Στη θεωρήτική μας συζήτηση, ακολούθωντας μια διεπιστημονική (transdisciplinary) και συνθετική (integrationist) προσέγγιση, εντός του πλαισίου της ΚΑΛ (βλ. Fairclough 2010; Van Leeuwen 2005), θα εξετάσουμε τις έννοιες του δημόσιου χώρου (βλ. Arendt 1958; Habermas 1989) και της πολιτικής, ως διαδικασία που διαμορφώνεται μέσω της γλώσσας—λόγου—εντός της δημόσιας σφαίρας˙ αντίληψη που έχει σημαντικό αντίκτυπο τόσο σε πολιτικές μελέτες, όσο και σε μελέτες που εντάσσονται στο πλαίσιο της (κριτικής) ανάλυσης λόγου (βλ. Fairclough 2003; Fairclough and Fairclough 2012; Laclau and Mouffe 1985). Εστιάζοντας στο μικρο-επίπεδο σκιαγραφούμε και προτείνουμε ένα συνθετικό, αναλυτικό πλαίσιο, βασιζόμενοι σε δύο αναλυτικούς πυλώνες: εφαρμόζουμε μια Συστημική -Λειτουργική (Systemic-Functional - ΣΛ) ανάλυση για να μελετήσουμε δομές μεταβιβαστικότητας (transitivity, βλ. Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: Ch. 5) των διαφορετικών κειμενικών ειδών και μια ανάλυση της σημειωτικοποίησης των συναισθημάτων (semiotization of emotions, pathos, βλ. Plantin 2011; Micheli 2014) με σκοπό να εντοπίσουμε την κατασκευή συναισθημάτων και την επιχειρηματολογική τους δυναμική.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Persson ◽  
Luís Moretto Neto

Since 2013, several social actors of the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC) community have formed a public sphere in order to deliberate and decide on the University Hospital’s (UH/UFSC) affiliation to the Brazilian Hospital Services Company (EBSERH), a public company set up in accordance with a private law which has been created by the Brazilian federal government in order to set up a management body for public university hospitals. Underpinned by critical discourse analysis, our purpose is to analyze the embedded ideologies in discursive practices within the UFSC/EBSERH public sphere, especially those perpetrated by the federal government’s bureaucratic means as to mystify reality, and also promote and legitimize dominant interests and actions with regard to the UH/UFSC’s affiliation to the EBSERH. We organized this analysis in five main categories: (1) staff shortage and the ideological use of the double standard policy, (2) the ideology of neo-liberalism and managerialism, (3) blame avoidance behavior and the ideological dispute between ideology and pragmatism, (4) the policy of terror and the fallacy of choice and (5) ideology of participationism.


Author(s):  
Zhou Shan ◽  
Lu Tang

This chapter seeks to answer the question of whether microblog can function as a promising form of public sphere. Utilizing a combined framework of public sphere based on the theories of Mouffe (1995) and Dahlgren (2005), it examines the political discussion and interrogation on Sina Weibo, China's leading microblog site, concerning the Wenzhou high-speed train derailment accident in July of 2011 through a critical discourse analysis. Its results suggest that Weibo enables the creation of new social imaginary and genre of discourse as well as the construction of new social identities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 497-512
Author(s):  
Zhou Shan ◽  
Lu Tang

This chapter seeks to answer the question of whether microblog can function as a promising form of public sphere. Utilizing a combined framework of public sphere based on the theories of Mouffe (1995) and Dahlgren (2005), it examines the political discussion and interrogation on Sina Weibo, China's leading microblog site, concerning the Wenzhou high-speed train derailment accident in July of 2011 through a critical discourse analysis. Its results suggest that Weibo enables the creation of new social imaginary and genre of discourse as well as the construction of new social identities.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-300
Author(s):  
Rudi Visker

The present article plays off two conceptions of the public sphere against one another. The first one sees in it a sign of what is already present in the private sphere, whereas the second regards it as a symbol that has to inscribe its own symbolic force into the private realm. That this is by no means a mere academic question becomes obvious by way of several examples analyzed at great length: the institution of mourning and the discussion about the presence of religious symbols in the public sphere. An argument for considering the Muslim veil as a protection against the divine is put forward in an attempt to clarify the presuppositions of our current predisposal against it. Ultimately, pluralism should perhaps not just be taken to refer only to the presence of others outside of us who we are able to numerically count, but might be the more difficult plight of having to cope with an otherness within each of us. Should the latter be the case, then we are in need of a public sphere where we can leave behind and thus honor what is not only differentiating us from others but also from ourselves.


2020 ◽  
pp. 095792652097721
Author(s):  
Janaina Negreiros Persson

In this article, we explore how the discourses around gender are evolving at the core of Brazilian politics. Our focus lies on the discourses at the public hearing on the bill 3.492/19, which aimed at including “gender ideology” on the list of heinous crimes. We aim to identify the deputies’ linguistic representation of social actors as pertaining to in- and outgroups. In addition, the article analyzes through Critical Discourse Analysis how the terminology gender is represented in this particular hearing. The analysis shows how some of the conservative parliamentarians give a clearly negative meaning to the term gender, by labeling it “gender ideology” and additionally connecting it with heinous crimes. We propose that the re-signification of “gender ideology,” from rhetorical invention to heinous crime, is not only an attempt to undermine scientific gender studies but also a way for conservative deputies to gain more political power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 162-188
Author(s):  
Giulia Evolvi ◽  
Mauro Gatti

Abstract This article focuses on the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) case law about religious symbols (N=27) from 2001 to 2018, exploring the following questions: What discourses does the ECtHR employ in cases about religious symbols? How do ECtHR’s discourses about religious symbols evolve in time? The data is innovatively analyzed through critical discourse analysis and leads to two findings: first, the ECtHR tends to endorse ‘Christian secularism,’ considering Christian symbols as compatible with secularism but not Muslim symbols; second, ECtHR discourses occasionally become more favorable to Muslim applicants over time, but the evolution of case law is not linear.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document