scholarly journals Russia's 1999–2000 Election Cycle and the Politics-Banking Interface

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koen J. L. Schoors ◽  
Laurent Weill
Keyword(s):  
Election Cycle ◽  
2000 Election

Persistent Bias Among Local Election Officials

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-187
Author(s):  
D. Alex Hughes ◽  
Micah Gell-Redman ◽  
Charles Crabtree ◽  
Natarajan Krishnaswami ◽  
Diana Rodenberger ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Implicit Bias ◽  
Direct Test ◽  
Muslim Americans ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Arab Muslim ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
2012 Election

AbstractResults of an audit study conducted during the 2016 election cycle demonstrate that bias toward Latinos observed during the 2012 election has persisted. In addition to replicating previous results, we show that Arab/Muslim Americans face an even greater barrier to communicating with local election officials, but we find no evidence of bias toward blacks. An innovation of our design allows us to measure whether e-mails were opened by recipients, which we argue provides a direct test of implicit discrimination. We find evidence of implicit bias toward Arab/Muslim senders only.

More Engaged but Still Uninformed? 2004 Presidential Election Coverage in Consumer Magazines Popular with Young Adults

2009 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Mueller ◽  
Tom Reichert
Keyword(s):  
Young Adults ◽  
Young People ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Women's Magazines ◽  
Rolling Stone ◽  
Election Coverage ◽  
Popular Magazines ◽  
2000 Election

Given the upturn in young-voter turnout in 2004, this study updates an analysis of the 2000 election to determine if coverage in youth-oriented magazines remained superficial, strategic, and cynical. Quantity of coverage increased 69% over 2000 (coverage in Rolling Stone increased 300%) despite a decrease in women's magazines' coverage. There was no difference in the largely strategic, cynical, and biased coverage between the two elections. Despite a “wartime” election, the magazines rarely published stories focusing on the Iraq war. The study suggests that resurgent interest in politics among young people was not mirrored in popular magazines they read regularly.

The mass media and changes in adolescents' political knowledge during an election cycle

1981 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Margaret Conway ◽  
David Ahern ◽  
Mikel L. Wyckoff
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
The Mass Media

Hitting Them With Carrots: Voter Intimidation and Vote Buying in Russia

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 857-881 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Frye ◽  
Ora John Reuter ◽  
David Szakonyi
Keyword(s):  
Middle Income Country ◽  
Income Country ◽  
Vote Buying ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Active Monitoring ◽  
Simple Argument ◽  
Middle Income ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Buying In

Scholars have identified many ways that politicians use carrots, such as vote buying, to mobilize voters, but have paid far less attention to how they use sticks, such as voter intimidation. This article develops a simple argument which suggests that voter intimidation should be especially likely where vote buying is expensive and employers have greater leverage over employees. Using survey experiments and crowd-sourced electoral violation reports from the 2011–12 election cycle in Russia, the study finds evidence consistent with these claims. Moreover, it finds that where employers have less leverage over employees, active forms of monitoring may supplement intimidation in order to encourage compliance. These results suggest that employers can be reliable vote brokers; that voter intimidation can persist in a middle-income country; and that, under some conditions, intimidation may be employed without the need for active monitoring.

scholarly journals Wave or Trend

Commonwealth ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua J. Weikert
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Female Candidate ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Elected Office

The 2018 elections saw a record number of women running for elected office in the United States and in Pennsylvania, but whether this represents a temporary wave or a lasting trend is not clear. Using a combination of survey data; interviews of new candidates, elected officeholders, and party officials; and election data, this study examines the gender equality gains of 2018 in Pennsylvania’s legislature in historical and political context. The data provide evidence that formal recruitment of female candidates was common (but not universal), that the number of women running for and winning office increased by historic (and not just significant) levels, and that a persistent and consistent motivation was discernible in large portions of the candidate body. Survey measures of female candidate persistence—whether they plan to run again or recruit new candidates—also indicate that women intend to remain similarly active after the 2018 election cycle has come and gone.

Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election

2002 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Anthony Simon Laden
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
2000 Election

Gender Differences in Reactions to Fact Checking of Negative Commercials

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
pp. 369-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim L. Fridkin ◽  
Jillian Courey ◽  
Samantha Hernandez ◽  
Joshua Spears
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Washington Post ◽  
Election Cycle ◽  
Political Advertisements ◽  
Early Fall ◽  
Senate Election ◽  
Fact Checking ◽  
Negative Ads ◽  
2012 Election

One of most negative campaigns in history may have taken place during the 2014 Senate election cycle. Nearly 75% of senate ads aired during a two-week period in early fall of 2014 showed a candidate in a negative light, according to the Wesleyan Media Project. A postelection analysis by the Center for Public Integrity showed that 46% of the more than one million ads aired during the 2014 senate campaigns were negative. And, in the most competitive states, the proportion of negative ads was even higher (e.g., 67% in North Carolina, 58% in Kansas). Negative advertisements sponsored by candidates, interest groups, and political parties are being launched on the airways, in newspapers, on radio, and via the Internet at an unprecedented pace. These advertisements, however, are now routinely subjected to fact checking.The Washington Post, along with many other fact-checking organizations, such as PolitiFact, The AP Factcheck, and Factcheck.org, examine thousands of statements and political advertisements during campaigns to determine the accuracy of the claims. For instance, during the 2012 election cycle, PolitiFact had 36 reporters and editors working in 11 states producing more than 800 fact checks on the presidential campaign and hundreds more for candidates running for the U.S. House and U.S. Senate.

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