scholarly journals Brexit: Estimating Tariff Costs for EU Countries in a New Trade Regime with the UK

Author(s):  
Rita Cappariello
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah Carl ◽  
James Dennison ◽  
Geoffrey Evans

To date, most accounts of the UK’s vote to leave the EU have focussed on explaining variation across individuals and constituencies within the UK. In this article, we attempt to answer a different question, namely ‘Why was it the UK that voted to leave, rather than any other member state?’. We show that the UK has long been one of the most Eurosceptic countries in the EU, which we argue can be partly explained by Britons’ comparatively weak sense of European identity. We also show that existing explanations of the UK’s vote to leave cannot account for Britons’ long-standing Euroscepticism: the UK scores lower than many other member states on measures of inequality/austerity, the ‘losers of globalisation’ and authoritarian values, and some of these measures are not even correlated with Euroscepticism across member states. In addition, we show that the positive association between national identity and Euroscepticism is stronger in the UK than in most other EU countries. Overall, we conclude that Britons’ weak sense of European identity was a key contributor to the Brexit vote.


2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. A428
Author(s):  
S Kirpekar ◽  
M Mallinson ◽  
R White ◽  
A Gannedahl
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-73
Author(s):  
Artem Zaika

AbstractThe article analyzes the tendencies in the development of digital literacy of citizens of European Union member states in educational institutions. The urgency of the study is driven by the need to develop the skills needed to communicate effectively in the epoch of 4 – the Industrial Revolution. This study focuses on analyzing the approaches needed to build digital literacy, as well as identifying its key development criteria in the education systems of the UK, Slovenia, the Netherlands, Lithuania and Estonia. Attention is drawn to the existing documents and programs that formulate conceptual trendsways for digital literacy across Europe. At the same time, in the European Union there is no common model that reflects the ways and methods of digital literacy, each country defining its priorities for achieving the goals. It is noted that digital literacy is characterized as one of the key skills for developing the professional competencies of a teacher and a competitive specialist. Based on the study of digital literacy experience abroad, it is possible to define a clear public policy focused on high levels of digital literacy and digital skills. The digitalization status of educational establishments and the population of Ukraine, which is defined as low, is compared. The main directions of the concept of development of the digital economy and society of Ukraine for 2018–2020 are described which aim to bridge the “digital divide” in comparison with the developed EU countries. It is concluded that it is precisely the educational institutions need significant reform. Based on the analysis of digital literacy approaches abroad, this study identifies priority areas for reforming education systems in the European Union in line with current labor market and digital society requirements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-243
Author(s):  
V. V. Karpova ◽  
◽  
V. F. Tischenko ◽  
V. N. Ostapenko ◽  
Yu. B. Ivanov ◽  
...  

The aim of this study is to analyze the connection between anti-crisis fiscal measures adopted by EU governments in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and these countries’ GDP growth. The study relies on methods of statistical analysis, including cluster analysis, to examine the challenges of forecasting tax revenue collections during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is possible to make preliminary conclusions regarding the relationship between fiscal anti-crisis measures in EU countries and these countries’ GDP growth even in the absence of the actual data. The study has revealed variations in forecast GDP growth caused by a higher than usual degree of uncertainty. The best way to minimize such variations is to constantly monitor the situation and adjust the forecast estimates depending on the changes in the relevant factors. The variations in forecast estimates can also stem from adjustments for the changes in tax revenues of EU countries implementing fiscal anti-crisis measures. Most EU countries resorted to such instruments as deferral of certain tax payments, temporary tax breaks, reduction of tax rates, tax loss carryforwards, cancellation or reductions of social contributions. The European leaders in terms of anti-crisis fiscal measures are the Czech Republic and Ireland – these countries used four out of five instruments and were followed by Austria, Hungary and the UK, which used three instruments. We also analyzed the coefficient of tax elasticity for European countries and demonstrated that tax reliefs (tax preferences) influence the level of tax revenue. The hypothesis that there is an indirect connection between the anti-crisis fiscal measures and GDP growth was confirmed. It is shown that clusters of EU countries grouped depending on their anti-crisis fiscal measures do not coincide with the clusters of countries grouped depending on their GDP growth estimates. Thus, a tentative forecast can be made that the fiscal anti-crisis measures taken by EU countries will not have a direct impact on their GDP growth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 856-873
Author(s):  
Susan Collard ◽  
Paul Webb

Abstract Recent developments in British politics have foregrounded two issues of particular importance to Britons living overseas: their voting rights in the UK and Brexit. In light of this, the number of British expatriates registering to vote has risen sharply and provided an incentive to develop UK parties abroad. We, therefore, set out the history and organisational structures of the major British parties abroad, and report the results of a unique online survey of British expatriate citizens, which tests whether ‘Votes for Life’ and Brexit have significantly impacted on their political preferences. We find that latter has done so, but the former has not. In view of this, the historically embedded expectations of a general expatriate preference for the Conservative Party no longer apply to those based in EU countries. In the wake of Brexit, this group appears to have swung decisively against the party and turned towards Labour and the Liberal Democrats. This suggests that the likelihood of the current Conservative administration introducing legislation to extend expatriate Britons’ voting rights, as pledged in the Queen’s Speech of December 2019, is remote, raising existential questions for the future of UK parties abroad.


2021 ◽  
pp. 295-306
Author(s):  
Mads Andenas

This chapter compares European Union countries to the United Kingdom. It aims at ascertaining not so much whether a common core exists but how it is shaped and evolves, also in response to influences by supranational legal orders. EU countries do not adhere to one model. Administrative law is subject to rapid development, and even countries that share many structures and general features do not develop at the same speed or in the same direction. In the UK, there is no specialized administrative court jurisdiction. There is one general court system that deals with civil, criminal, and administrative cases; but there are many administrative tribunals and appeals tribunals. Nearly all the EU countries have a specialised administrative court system, and the majority has a constitutional court. The chapter considers the perceived divide between civil law countries and the common law in the UK, in the light of the relationship between national law and EU and European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) law. It also looks at the four main features of the legal systems selected for comparison: the constitutional relevance of judicial review; the limitations of judicial review; procedural errors or omissions; and annulment and damages.


2019 ◽  
pp. 126-143
Author(s):  
Stephen Taylor ◽  
Astra Emir

This chapter discusses redundancy law in the UK. Redundancy, which generally occurs when an employer reduces its workforce for economic reasons, is a common form of ‘potentially fair’ dismissal. There are three lawful ways in which selection for redundancy can be achieved: last-in-first-out, points-based approaches and employee selection processes. Redundancy payments must be equal to the statutory minimum and are often higher due to additional contractual arrangements which are more generous. Notice periods must also be honoured. UK redundancy law is often criticised because it is less procedurally cumbersome and requires employers to compensate less than is the case in other larger EU countries. This suggests that multi-national corporations dismiss their UK employees before counterparts elsewhere in Europe.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Alonso Rodríguez-Navarro ◽  
Ricardo Brito

Numerous EU documents praise the excellence of EU research without empirical evidence and in contradiction of academic studies. We investigated research performance in two fields of high socioeconomic importance, advanced technology and basic medical research, in two sets of European countries, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain (GFIS), and the UK, Netherlands, and Switzerland (UKNCH). Despite their historical and geographical proximity, research performance in GFIS is much lower than in UKNCH, and well below the world average. Funding from the European Research Council (ERC) greatly improves performance in both GFIS and UKNCH, but ERC-GFIS publications are less cited than ERC-UKNCH publications. We conclude that research performance in GFIS and in other EU countries is intrinsically low, even in highly selected and generously funded projects. The technological and economic future of the EU depends on improving research, which requires structural changes in research policy within the EU, and in most EU countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franz Seifert

This study investigates the Europeanization of the anti-GM movement. Drawing on a quantitative protest event analysis that covers the period from 1995 to 2009 in Austria, France, Germany, Spain, and the UK, as well as in the sub-, supra- and transnational spheres (N = 1,865), it compares four pathways to Europeanization: domestication, externalization, supranationalization, and transnational pressure. It explains the relative prominence of these pathways through a general theory of movement behavior that is based on transaction costs and contextual opportunities and on the specifics of the EU's GM policy domain. It then examines alternatives to these standard predictions. While Europeanization is a multilevel process entailing national, sub-, supra- and transnational arenas, nation states remain the key arenas of movement for Europeanization, which is reinforced by the contentious nature of the GM policy domain. While grassroots actors show a certain tendency towards transnational activism, only well-resourced, professional actors exploit opportunities at all levels.


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