The EU General Principle of Effectiveness and Judicial Federalism in the EU: Theorising EU Judicial Protection from a Federalist Perspective

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Gentile
Author(s):  
Aida TORRES PÉREZ

Abstract This contribution will tackle a central question for the architecture of fundamental rights protection in the EU: can we envision a Charter that fully applies to the Member States, even beyond the limits of its scope of application? To improve our understanding of the boundaries of the Charter and the potential for further expansion, I will examine the legal avenues through which the CJEU has extended the scope of application of EU fundamental rights in fields of state powers. While the latent pull of citizenship towards a more expansive application of the Charter has not been fully realized, the principle of effective judicial protection (Article 19(1) TEU) has recently shown potential for protection under EU law beyond the boundaries of the Charter. As will be argued, effective judicial protection may well become a doorway for full application of the Charter to the Member States. While such an outcome might currently seem politically unsound, I contend that a progressive case-by-case expansion of the applicability of the Charter to the Member States would be welcome from the standpoint of a robust notion of the rule of law in the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-86
Author(s):  
Luis Arroyo Jiménez ◽  
Gabriel Doménech Pascual

This article describes the Europeanisation of Spanish administrative law as a result of the influence of the EU law general principle of legitimate expectations. It examines, firstly, whether the formal incorporation of the principle of legitimate expectations into national legislation and case law has modified the substance of the latter, and if so, secondly, whether this has led to a weaker or a more robust protection of the legal status quo. To carry out that examination, the article considers the influence of the principle of legitimate expectations in two different areas: in individual administrative decision-making, and in legislative and administrative rulemaking. Our conclusion is that the Europeanisation of Spanish administrative law through the principle of legitimate expectations has been variable and ambiguous.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Spyridon Flogaitis ◽  
Andreas Pottakis

The challenges for the system of judicial protection of the EU spring from two main developments: first, the enlargement of the EU, which inevitably affects all institutions of the Union, most notably their organisational structure and modus operandi, second, the deepening and widening of the areas falling within the scope of competences of the EU. Article I-28 Draft Constitution states that the Court of Justice of the EU shall include the ECJ, the High Court and specialised courts. These courts, together with the national courts of all levels, constitute the intricate nexus offering judicial protection in the EU. The issues that dominated debates on the reform of the system of judicial protection varied from the amendment of Article 230.4 EC on the locus standi of applicants, to the impact of the incorporation of the Charter of Human Rights and to the competences of the ECJ in the areas of the second and third pillar. They all relate to the deepening and widening of the Union through this Draft Constitution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
A.V. Chetvernina

The review is based on the publications of a series of articles in a special issue of the German Law Journal (German law journal. 2021. Vol. 22, N 3). It examines the complex of judicial and non-judicial problems that arise in the complex multi-level administrative structure of the EU. The main focus is on mechanisms of horizontal and vertical administrative cooperation, as well as new regulatory models that «generate» transnational administrative acts and mutual recognition systems, as well as multi-level inspection activities carried out to ensure compliance with EU legislation.


Since the 1957 Rome Treaty, the European Union has changed dramatically - in terms of its composition, scope and depth. Originally established by six Western European States, the EU today has 28 Members and covers almost the entire European continent; and while initially confined to establishing a "common market", the EU has come to influence all areas of political, economic and social life. In parallel with this enormous geographic and thematic expansion, the constitutional and legislative principles underpinning the European Union have constantly evolved. This three-volume study aims to provide an authoritative academic treatment of European Union law. Written by leading scholars and practitioners, each chapter offers a comprehensive and critical assessment of the state of the law. Doctrinal in presentation, each volume nonetheless tries to present a broader historical and comparative perspective. Volume I provides an analysis of the constitutional principles governing the European Union. It covers the history of the EU, the constitutional foundations, the institutional framework, legislative and executive governance, judicial protection, and external relations. Volume II explores the structure of the internal market, while Volume III finally analyses the internal and external substantive policies of the EU.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-229
Author(s):  
Jan Wouters ◽  
Frank Hoffmeister ◽  
Geert De Baere ◽  
Thomas Ramopoulos

This chapter provides an overview of the sanctions that are available to the EU in the conduct of its foreign policy. First, it focuses on EU restrictive measures or sanctions analysing the applicable provisions and procedure for their adoption under the EU Treaties before making a systematic presentation of the different regimes adopted by the Union and their link to UN sanctions. The chapter also delves into the large corpus of case law on the compliance of sanctions with fundamental rights, in particular procedural rights, such as the rights of defence and the right to effective judicial protection, and substantive rights, such as the right to carry out an economic activity and right to property. A section is also dedicated to the constantly developing case law on actions for damages from sanctions. Sanctions adopted by the Union within the framework of cooperation and association agreements for the violation of certain essential elements of these agreements are also analysed. Lastly, a discussion of the specific case of the blocking statute, an autonomous measure adopted to counter extraterritorial effects of legislation and actions of third states, which was recently updated, forms part of this chapter.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-153
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Homewood

This chapter discusses the law on the free movement of persons in the EU. Free movement of persons is one of the four ‘freedoms’ of the internal market. Original EC Treaty provisions granted free movement rights to the economically active—workers, persons exercising the right of establishment, and persons providing services in another Member State. The Treaty also set out the general principle of non-discrimination on grounds of nationality, ‘within the scope of application of the Treaty’. All these provisions are now contained in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Early secondary legislation granted rights to family members, students, retired persons, and persons of independent means. The Citizenship Directive 2004/38 consolidated this legislation.


Author(s):  
Juan Fernando López Aguilar

Durante las legislaturas europeas 2009-2014 y 2014-2019 la UE viene asistiendo al desafío planteado por los alarmantes signos de deterioro y retroceso de la democracia en la UE. No por casualidad esta tendencia ha coincidido con la inmersión de la Unión en la peor crisis de su historia, que arrancó en 2008 y ha venido en llamarse la «Gran Recesión» de la UE o la «glaciación» europea. Hungría ha sido durante este período el caso más paradigmático de las derivas antidemocráticas -restricciones del pluralismo político e informativo, de la independencia judicial y de la jurisdicción del TC- experimentadas por países de la UE. Pero, recientemente, Polonia ha dado muestras de un deterioro igualmente preocupante. Con todo no se trata, desgraciadamente, de casos aislados sino una tendencia cada vez más generalizada que ha recibido, según los contextos, el nombre de «putinización» u «orbanización» de Estados miembros de la UE. El presente artículo hace un recuento de los deterioros constitucionales sufridos por esos dos países y de las iniciativas que desde la UE se han puesto en marcha para seguir y dar respuesta a esos procesos. El artículo hace hincapié en los rasgos «antiliberales» o «iliberales» que caracterizan dichas democracias, así como los inherentes al auge del nacionalismo y la intolerancia y los discursos del odio, y los pone en relación con otros procesos históricos de erosión democrática en Europa, incidiendo en la dialéctica democracia vs populismo. El artículo plantea, asimismo, los conflictos que se derivan del denominado «dilema de Copenhague» y del auge de la extrema derecha a lo largo y ancho de la UE y se detiene en algunos casos como el de las restricciones de derechos a los refugiados en Dinamarca o de los retrocesos habidos en los últimos años en derechos y libertades públicas en España. El artículo concluye que los deterioros descritos están vinculados a la «gran ampliación», que supuso la adhesión a la UE de los países del Este, con el telón de fondo de una crisis económica y financiera devenida, en poco tiempo, en crisis social y de valores como consecuencia de las políticas de austeridad impuestas por un manejo insatisfactorio de la propia crisis. Ello ha redundado en una impugnación de la propia idea de construcción europea desde diversos frentes ideológicos. El artículo se detiene, finalmente, en la respuesta europea a las mencionadas derivas a través de una reivindicación de sus valores fundantes y de una protección reforzada de los mismos mediante la implementación de nuevos mecanismos que velen por la calidad democrática y del Estado de derecho en la UE como complemento de los procedimientos judiciales de tutela de los derechos fundamentales comunes a las tradiciones constitucionales comunes de los Estados miembros.During the European legislatures 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 the EU has witnessed the challenge posed by the alarming signs of deterioration and decline of democracy in the EU. Not by chance this trend has coincided with the immersion of the Union in the worst crisis in its history that began in 2008 and has been called the «Great Recession» of the EU or the European «glaciation». Over this period Hungary has been the best example of democratic backsliding in the EU but Poland has shown an equally worrying deterioration lately. Yet these are not, unfortunately, isolated cases but there is rather an increasingly widespread trend in Europe that has received, depending on the context, the name «putinization» or «orbanization». The present article recounts the constitutional deterioration experienced by those two countries and the initiatives that have been launched from the EU to follow-up and contest those processes. The article emphasizes the «anti-liberal » or «iliberal» features that characterize these democracies as well as those marks inherent to the rise of nationalism and intolerance and puts them in relation to other historical processes of democratic erosion in Europe, focusing on the dialectic democracy vs populism. The article also exposes the conflicts stemming from the so-called «Copenhagen dilemma» and the rise of the extreme right across the EU and stops in some concrete cases such as the restrictions on the rights of refugees in Denmark or the limitations which have occurred in recent years in the field of civil liberties in Spain. The article concludes that this deterioration is linked to the «great enlargement», which involved the accession to the EU of the Eastern European countries against the backdrop of a relentless financial and economic crisis that rapidly became in a social crisis and a truly crisis of values as a result of the austerity policies imposed by an unsatisfactory handling of the crisis itself. This has resulted in a challenge to the very idea of European integration coming from different ideological fronts. The article finally stops on the European response to the democratic backsliding described before by reaffirming its fundamental values and by enhancing their protection by implementing new mechanisms to ensure that the quality of democracy and the rule of law in the EU is improved complementing the national systems of judicial protection of fundamental rights legal common to the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States.


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