Business Cycles in Central Asia and the Russian Federation

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurbek Jenish
Author(s):  
Tetiana Liashenko

Attempts to build a “Russian world” within the former Soviet republics of Central Asia by introducing an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space with the Russian Federation are studied in the article. The threats to the Central Asian countries’ information space are analyzed. The data on gradual changing of orientations of the Central Asian states’ citizens when choosing sources of information is provided. It is concluded that the technologies of the Russian Federation’s propaganda in Central Asia are aimed primarily at the formation of the president of Russia positive image among the widest possible groups of population. Attempts to push so-called “the Russian world”, which already jeopardize global peaceful balance, are grounded, in particular, on a widespread use of the Russian language within the territories of the former USSR that serves to propagate an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space. At the same time, a revival and development of national languages and cultures are intensively ongoing in all new independent states. It provokes a confrontation that often causes points of tension and conflicts. A large number of the Russian media, including federal state editions, TV channels. the Sputnik news agency etc. operates in Central Asian information space. Using own controlled media, the Kremlin seeks to convince the Central Asian states’ citizens that the Russia’s foreign policy is a right one, as well as to form a positive image of Russia and president Putin as a politician who is capable to ensure stability and security in the Central Asian region. The Russian Federation pays a special attention to Eastern Kazakhstan, where a large number of ethnic Russians is concentrated. Kazakhstan has much in common with Ukraine on its ethnic population composition, economic situation and geographical proximity to Russia. As in Ukraine, the ethnic Russians make up about 1/5 of the population in Kazakhstan, meanwhile the Russian language is widely used in all spheres. Russia calls its initiative a “humanitarian project”, but there is no doubt that the Kremlin is fighting for minds of younger generation, trying to impose own culture and values on young people. Recently, while alternative sources of information have been spreading, more and more Central Asian habitants opt for online information in their national languages, considering Russianspeaking news resources to be a propaganda.


Author(s):  

The article presents some preliminary results of the research that reviewed the statements made at the general debate of the UN General Assembly from 1992 to 2020 by the countries of Eastern Europe, Caucuses and Central Asia focusing on the environmental matters. These findings demonstrate the key environment related priorities of the countries across the years, the ways countries frame them as well as the initiatives and proposals put forward. General trends by countries and regions have been identified and new priority issues for future statements have been proposed. The study was carried out within the framework of the UNECE project “Support to the Network of Russian-Speaking Water Management Organizations”, funded by the Government of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-94
Author(s):  
L A Kaftyreva ◽  
A A Porin ◽  
N N Ryzhman ◽  
E N Kolosovskaya

The results of screening studies of chronic carriage of the causative agent of typhoid fever (S. Typhi) among residents of various countries are presented. We studied 810 blood serums, including: 462 from citizens of the Republic of Guinea, 244 from labor migrants who arrived in the Russian Federation from Central Asia, and 104 from residents of St. Petersburg. Antibodies to S. Typhi Vi antigen were determined in the passive hemagglutination reaction as a marker of possible chronic carriage of bacteria. When screening studies of sera of citizens of the Republic of Guinea in 21 (4,5%) cases, a positive result was obtained. The level of antibodies to Vi- antigen above diagnostic was found in 6 (1,3%) sera. In 5 samples, the level of antibodies was 1:80, in one - 1: 160. Positive results in a screening study of the sera of labor migrants were obtained in 24 people. A confirmatory test revealed antibodies to the Vi antigen in the diagnostic titer in 9 sera. Positive results were obtained from 2 (3,64%) citizens of Tajikistan and 7 (4,09%) citizens of Uzbekistan. Antibodies to the S. Typhi Vi antigen were not found in residents of St. Petersburg (citizens of the Russian Federation). A comparable level of possible chronic carriage of typhoid fever was revealed for residents of epidemiologically unfavorable territories (Africa) and labor migrants coming to our country from Central Asia. The chances of the emergence of sources of infection in our country are increasing due to the increase in international contacts, which requires additional preventive measures.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-80
Author(s):  
Z. A. Kokoshina

The Central Asian region due to its economic potential and strategic signifi -cance has traditionally been of particular importance for Russia’s foreign policy. It was therefore not surprising that a serious deterioration of the political situation in Afghanistan in summer-autumn 2021 caused by the military defeat and the subsequent collapse of the pro-Western regime followed by the seizure of power by the Taliban raised serious concern of the Russian leadership. The developments in Afghanistan have attracted an increasing attention of the expert community, prompting a fl urry of comments and forecasts. Although many of these papers were published hastily, their assessments and conclusion were usually based on the long-term observations. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the military-political situation in the Central Asian region as it was caught by a new crisis in Afghanistan and as it is seen by both Russian and foreign experts. The fi rst section outlines positions and interests of the key regional and non-regional actors that have a signifi cant impact on the military-political situation in Central Asia. The second section examines the response of the Russian Federation to the situation in Afghanistan after the Taliban took power. Finally, the third section provides an overview of the latest expert comments and reports that attempt to assess possible implications of those events for the regional military-political dynamics and the national security interests of the Russian Federation.


1995 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Swafford ◽  
Polina Kozyreva ◽  
Mikhail Kosolapov ◽  
Alfiya Nizamova

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