Sources of Income Inequality among Households 65 and Older: Can Individual Choice, Markets and Public Policy Increase Equality?

Author(s):  
David W. Rasmussen
2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikel Norris

AbstractExternal political efficacy, the belief that government is responsive to the demands of its citizens, has been declining in the United States since the 1960s. However, scholars do not yet fully understand the reasons for its decline. Nor have they found suitable explanations for why it fluctuates within the electorate. Drawing on the growing literature on the effects of income inequality on public policy, I posit that increasing income inequality factors into the decline of external political efficacy. Using multilevel regression models accounting for individual and contextual factors, I find increasing state-level income inequality has a substantial negative effect on external political efficacy. It is greater than most state and national-level economic measures or individual-level variables on external political efficacy. These results have important implications both for research on income inequality and political participation and also for research on income inequality and distributional public policy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 49 (02) ◽  
pp. 233-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
CLEM TISDELL ◽  
SERGE SVIZZERO

Income inequality has increased sharply in higher income and in many lower income countries. Theories attributing this to bifurcation of labor markets in higher income countries are examined. Some theorists attribute this bifurcation primarily to technical change with influence from globalization. Others take an opposite viewpoint. A contrasting view presented here is that globalization is strongly linked with technological change. More significantly even if globalization increases economic efficiency and growth in globalizing countries, it can raise income inequality and reduce social welfare in such countries. International fiscal competitiveness may, it is argued, contribute to income inequality and make all nations worse off. Trends in public social expenditure and in taxation receipts in higher income countries, including Singapore, are examined to determine the extent of empirical support for the theory.


Author(s):  
Gilles Saint-Paul

This chapter presents the post-utilitarian paradigm, which is defined as the attempt to reconstruct social preferences when individuals have behavioral issues. It highlights four possibilities, each of which is a potential solution to the problem of defining an objective for public policy in a world without well-defined preferences. First, one may want to reinterpret behavioral biases so as to make them compatible with the standard framework by interpreting them as rational phenomena or as a subjective form of an externality. A second approach considers each individual as made up of multiple selves and then simply aggregates the utility of all incarnations in society. A third possibility is to give up on aggregating utility and consider as legitimate only policies that improve the welfare of all incarnations, that is, Pareto-improving policies. Finally, a fourth possibility is to redefine the social welfare function as the total flow of happiness in society, irrespective of any notion of individual choice.


World Affairs ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 182 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-204
Author(s):  
Max J. Skidmore

This article directly and bluntly challenges traditional thought by casting aside conventional wisdom regarding the national economy, replacing it with Modern Political Economy and Public Policy. American national policies, I argue, should always, whenever possible, be universal, not targeted toward specific groups. Moreover, policies need to be crafted to achieve their goals, not to fit within budgetary constraints. The least government is the worst, not the best, and a miserly approach to spending is not “wise use of the taxpayers’ dollars.” The national government controls the currency, paying its bills in dollars. It issues dollars as needed, in whatever amount it chooses, and is unrestrained by the need to “find the money” or “pay-as-you-go.” Taxes are useful for purposes of regulation and control of income inequality, but are not relevant to expenditures. “Anything that is technically feasible,” I claim following Kelton and coauthors, “is financially affordable,” and there is no need to fear inflation so long as spending does not exceed the productive capacity of the economy. Despite conventional wisdom to the contrary, and regardless of the widely used jargon of politicians, when government spends, it is not using “The Taxpayers’ Money.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-87
Author(s):  
Jonathan Gordils ◽  
Nicolas Sommet ◽  
Andrew J. Elliot ◽  
Jeremy P. Jamieson

There exists a racial income gap in America: Blacks earn ∼38% less than Whites, but little is known about its relation to interracial psychological outcomes. Toward this end, the present research examined associations between the Black–White income gap and perceptions of interracial competition and, subsequently, negative intergroup outcomes. Study 1 extracted data from a large, preexisting data set ( N = 2,543) and provided initial support for the hypothesis that higher levels of racial income inequality are associated with increased perceptions of competition. Study 2 then recruited approximately equal numbers of White and Black participants ( N = 1,731) and demonstrated that increases in racial income inequality predict increased perceptions of competition, discrimination, behavioral avoidance, and intergroup anxiety. Implications for theory development and public policy are discussed.


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