Tension within Terrorist Groups: The Role of Aspirations in Conflicting Assessments of Identity Definingg Versus Genericc Actions

Author(s):  
Peter J. Phillips ◽  
Gabriela Pohl
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Feryad A. Hussain

Radicalisation to violent action is not just a problem in foreign lands. Research has identified numerous politico–psychosocial factors to explain why young people from the UK are now joining terrorist groups such as ISIS. Our understanding has been expanded by the accounts of “returnees” who have subsequently either self-deradicalised or joined a government deradicalisation programme in the role of an Intervention Provider (IP). These individuals are now key to the deradicalisation programme. This article presents the reflections of a clinical psychologist who worked within a social healthcare team managing psychosocial issues related to radicalisation, in conjunction with an allocated IP. The project involved individuals from the Muslim community and, as such, issues discussed are specific to this group. It is acknowledged that the process in general is universally applicable to all groups though specifics may vary (under Trust agreement, details may not be discussed). This article also aims to share basic information on the current Home Office deradicalisation programme and raises questions about the current intervention. It also offers reflections on how the work of IPs may be facilitated and supported by clinical/counselling psychologists and psychotherapists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 47-92

Some major crises, such as wars, may redraw the features of society with all its groups, ideologies and policies it adopts. In these few pages, we try to discuss objectively, not mixed with bias, some of the bright aspects in the city of Mosul after its liberation from the clutches of infidelity and extremism, starting from a scientific reference that distinguishes what was the situation in the city of Mosul during the days of ISIS terrorist gangs He explained the current situation after its liberation, assuming that the current situation is witnessing a kind of gradual improvement despite the state of anxiety experienced by the residents of Mosul, which may turn into a state of protest and revolution with a negative content if they are not compensated and return their societal status to what it was, if conditions and opportunities are not available For a new societal renaissance based on all partners in restoring stability to the city. This study, despite its simplicity, adheres to a scientific and methodological character, to determine some geographical, historical, and cultural dimensions characteristic of the city of Mosul in Iraq, and we referred to some hotbeds of tension and conflict, in addition to the factors of calm, dialogue and cooperation, up to the desired state of stability in which we were keen to clarify the role Social service as a scientific field specialized in achieving a state of security and stability in the local communities of post-conflict areas liberated from ISIS terrorism. The sensitivity of the topic, the severity of its complexity and the variability of the references of his analysis, may make the researcher confronting his study feel embarrassed, and therefore it is useful not to expose the causes of the fall of the city of Mosul to the hands of ISIS terrorist groups Notice that as we search in the present we do not dispense with history, and as we stress the importance of security and stability, we do not have the right to neglect the national sacrifices of the men of the security forces and the popular crowd, recalling the fact that these sacrifices are not a temporary, contingent structure, or a fabricated formation that can be easily overcome. A national historical position, with whom Holiness is a measure of faith, but at the same time and in response to those sacrifices and efforts to liberate the city of Mosul and eliminate the so-called terrorist ISIS, as much as it contains the tenacity and persistence of liberation, there is a measure of the possibility of dissociation, dissipation and loss. The matter depends on many factors, foremost among which is the availability of a collective sense of belonging to a national and spatial space, with all its history, memory, experiences, and common interests, a place called: a homeland, a national status called: loyalty and belonging, and a governmental action called: ages and concern. Keywords: Refraction and refraction


Author(s):  
Mariya Y Omelicheva ◽  
Lawrence P Markowitz

Abstract The post–Cold War environment has ushered in an era of threats from terrorism, organized crime, and their intersections giving rise to the growing literature on the so-called crime–terror nexus. This article takes stock of this literature, assesses its accomplishments and limitations, and considers ways to deepen it conceptually, theoretically, and empirically. To challenge assumptions informing the crime–terror studies and suggest avenues for future research, the article draws on ideas from the scholarship on political economies of violence. These insights are used to probe the (1) non-state actors that form the crime–terror nexus, (2) conditions under which the nexus is likely to emerge, and (3) varied effects of criminal–terrorist intersections. The article emphasizes the ties of criminal and terrorist groups to local politics, society, and economy, and relationships of competition, rather than cooperation, which often characterize these ties. The conditions under which these groups operate cannot be understood without considering the role of the state in criminal–terrorist constellations. The structure of resource economies influences both the preferences of terrorist groups for crime and the consequences of terrorist–criminal convergence, which are also mediated by state participation in crime.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Denik Iswardani Witarti ◽  
Anggun Puspitasari

<p>This paper analyzes the failure of the Organization for Prohibited of Chemical Weapon (OPCW) in handling chemical weapon disarmament in Syria. The use of chemical weapons by the Syrian government against its own citizens poses a challenge for OPCW in its role to ban the use and development of chemical weapons worldwide. OPCW itself formed in 1997 is an implementation of Chemical Weapon Convention (CWC) in 1993. The main problem of this study is OPCW failure factors to ban the use and development of chemical weapons in Syrian conflict. The study results show that the chemical weapon disarmament efforts in Syria by the OPCW by sending and destroying government-owned chemical weapons has failed. Although OPCW has claimed Syria has been freed from chemical weapons, it is still encountered the use of chemical weapons by ISIS terrorist groups and unofficial opposition groups. In conclusion, the role of the OPCW according to the concept of disarmament and the international organization is still not fully successful. OPCW is only able to detect the use of chemical weapons committed by the Syrian government. This organization has no authority in overcoming the problem of the misused chemical weapons committed by non-state actors.</p><p><span>Keywords: Chemical weapons, Syrian conflict, OPCW, Disarmament. </span><br /><span> </span></p>


Author(s):  
Jonathan R. White

This chapter examines the tactical aspects of terrorism. It begins by focusing on the nature of war and conflict in the 21st century, suggesting that technology, economic structures, and communication have changed the way war is waged. It argues that small groups of aggrieved people may conduct campaigns of unconventional warfare against individual nations or international alliances. Although such violence is manifested in many ways, it is typically labeled as “terrorism.” The chapter also demonstrates how large groups and nation states may participate in terrorist activities by either using terrorist tactics or supporting terrorist groups. The next part of the chapter focuses on the specific actions that constitute the tactics of terrorism, examining tactical innovations within various campaigns. The chapter concludes with an analysis of tactical force multipliers, and it introduces the role of the media within this context.


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-146
Author(s):  
Pierre-Hugues Verdier

This chapter examines the rise of financial sanctions as a tool of U.S. foreign policy and the role of U.S. prosecutors in enforcing sanctions against global banks. It describes how the United States developed its financial sanctions capabilities against terrorist groups, then turned them against state actors such as North Korea, culminating with elaborate sanctions programs against Iran and Russia. It shows how U.S. federal and state prosecutors uncovered large-scale sanctions evasion efforts at numerous global banks that processed U.S. dollar payments. This enforcement campaign led to some of the largest criminal fines ever levied, and global banks such as HSBC and BNP Paribas agreed to implement U.S. sanctions and anti-money laundering controls in their worldwide operations, thus broadening the reach of U.S. policy. Although U.S. enforcement actions faced strong criticism by U.S. allies, banks facing large fines, negative publicity, and potential loss of access to essential U.S. dollar payment infrastructure complied with U.S. demands. Unlike other cases, U.S. sanctions did not lead to multilateral reforms, instead triggering efforts by sanctioned states and bystanders to reduce their dependence on the U.S. dollar and U.S. payment systems.


2019 ◽  
pp. 53-76
Author(s):  
Marco Pinfari

This chapter continues with the line of argument presented in chapter 2 about the role of monster images in framing “terrorist” actors and about the recurrence of monster metaphors that not only convey their “otherness” but also, more forcefully, their resilience and unmanageability. The first paragraph presents the pseudo-scientific framing of anarchists in the late nineteenth century as half-human, half-feral uncontrollable brutes. The following section reviews the resort to religious and “cosmic war” imagery in framing “terrorist” groups as part of ethnonationalist conflicts, including the biblical “beasts” cited by Ian Paisley, the unmanageable yakku of Sinhalese folklore, and the resilient people of Amalek who fought the Israelites throughout most of their ancient history. The final paragraph introduces the concept of global jihad and discusses the reasons why Frankenstein’s monster and the hydra proved to be the most popular metaphors for describing both al-Qaeda and the Islamic State.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabe Mythen ◽  
Sandra Walklate ◽  
Elizabeth-Jane Peatfield

In the last 15 years the concept of radicalisation has come to prominence as a means of explaining the process by which individuals become attracted to extremist ideology and endorse the actions of terrorist groups. Post 9/11, radicalisation has gained traction in policy, political and media circles in Britain, being commonly connected to the threat of ‘home-grown’ terrorism. In this article, we critique the understanding of radicalisation outlined in the UK Government’s PREVENT strategy. We focus specifically on how particular understandings of radicalisation are constructed, evidenced and operationalised in PREVENT and the way in which these understandings align with party political worldviews. It is posited that an unremitting focus on the role of religious ideology in the process of radicalisation within PREVENT mutes recognition of otherwise important material grievances expressed by individuals involved in violent extremism. At a broader level, our analysis adds to growing concerns around the deleterious impacts of the securitisation of social policy.


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