The Role of Scientific Management in Rural Electrification: Morris L. Cooke's Quest for a Better Society

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall L. Dupont
Author(s):  
Azizul Hassan

This study critically analyzes precarious youth employment in Bangladesh having a specific focus on her tourism industry. Traditionally, the tourism economy of Bangladesh is considered as promising. This research arguably identifies the tourism industry of Bangladesh encouraging conceptual precarious youth employment. From theoretical perspective, this chapter addresses the Theory of Scientific Management of Frederick Taylor (1911) and the Systems Theory of Dunlop (1958) in this context. This conceptual study understands precarious youth employment in the Bangladesh tourism and relates relevance of the two theories mentioned. Based on arguments, this study outlines the role of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) as a latent option to minimize issues generated from precarious youth employment. An in-depth analysis offers policy suggestions for the betterment of youth employment in the Bangladesh tourism industry.


Author(s):  
Dan Diaper

The history of task analysis is nearly a century old, with its roots in the work of Gilbreth (1911) and Taylor (1912). Taylor’s scientific management provided the theoretical basis for production-line manufacturing. The ancient manufacturing approach using craft skill involved an individual, or a small group, undertaking, from start to finish, many different operations so as to produce a single or small number of manufactured objects. Indeed, the craftsperson often made his or her own tools with which to make end products. Of course, with the growth of civilisation came specialisation, so that the carpenter did not fell the trees or the potter actually dig the clay, but still each craft involved many different operations by each person. Scientific management’s novelty was the degree of specialisation it engendered: each person doing the same small number of things repeatedly. Taylorism thus involved some large operation, subsequently called a task, that could be broken down into smaller operations, called subtasks. Task analysis came into being as the method that, according to Anderson, Carroll, Grudin, McGrew, and Scapin (1990), “refers to schemes for hierarchical decomposition of what people do.” The definition of a task remains a “classic and under-addressed problem” (Diaper, 1989b). Tasks have been differently defined with respect to their scope: from the very large and complex, such as document production (Wilson, Barnard, & MacLean, 1986), to the very small, for example, tasks that “may involve only one or two activities which take less than a second to complete, for example, moving a cursor” (Johnson & Johnson, 1987). Rather than trying to define what is a task by size, Diaper’s (1989b) alternative is borrowed from conversation analysis (Levinson, 1983). Diaper suggests that tasks always have well-defined starts and finishes, and clearly related activities in between. The advantage of such a definition is that it allows tasks to be interrupted or to be carried out in parallel. Task analysis was always involved with the concept of work, and successful work is usually defined as achieving some goal. While initially applied to observable, physical work, as the field of ergonomics developed from World War II, the task concept was applied more widely to cover all types of work that “refocused attention on the information processing aspect of tasks and the role of the human operator as a controller, planner, diagnostician and problem solver in complex systems” (Annett & Stanton, 1998). With some notable exceptions discussed below, tasks are still generally defined with people as the agents that perform work. For example, Annett and Stanton defined task analysis as “[m]ethods of collecting, classifying and interpreting data on human performance.”


1984 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne A. Lewchuk

The slowness with which British firms adopted Scientific Management and Fordism has often been noted.The paper argues that in Britain, management had difficulty controlling labor effort norms after 1870. The state intervened to resolve the issue and in the process became a major proponent of industrial democracy. It is argued that the early interest in industrial democracy retarded the adoption of American methods that assumed a greater degree of managerial control over factory organization.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 189-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sari Murni ◽  
Jonathan Whale ◽  
Tania Urmee ◽  
John Davis ◽  
David Harries

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Tohsio Yamazaki

This paper discusses the deployment of American-style management systems in Japan after World War Ⅱ. One of the major American management methods implemented in many countries after the war was industrial engineering (IE), an advanced form of scientific management originating in the United States. Such American methods played an important role in production management and rationalization as well as the Ford system. The primary issue was the implementation of the work factor (WF) method and Methods Time Measurement (MTM) for the deployment of IE. Thus, this paper examines the deployment of IEin Japan in relation to the problems of work measurement and method engineering, the role of industrial engineers, and the influence of institutions on the implementation and promotion of IE, such as the Japan Iron and Steel Federation. Through these discussions, this paper clarifies the Japanese characteristics regarding the deployment of IE and their significance.


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