How the U.S. Treasury Avoided Chronic Deflation by Relinquishing Monetary Control to Wall Street

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hudson
Keyword(s):  
2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
P.A. Bonenfant ◽  
S.M. Leopold
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Jerome Roos

This chapter discusses how the second enforcement mechanism of official-sector intervention operated in practice. It shows how the large exposures of the big Wall Street banks to Mexico's highly concentrated debt greatly increased the risk of financial contagion, thus moving the U.S. government to intervene on its own banks' behalf and push for active IMF involvement. By coordinating the lending decisions of the private banks and disbursing emergency loans under strict policy conditionality, the Fund assumed a leading role as an international crisis manager and lender of last resort, serving both as a fiscal disciplinarian of the debtor governments and as the informal head of the private creditors' cartel. In this way, the creditors managed to keep the Mexican government in the lending game while at the same time freeing up domestic resources for foreign debt servicing. This not only prevented a disorderly default but also maximized the likelihood of full repayment.


Author(s):  
Craig Allen

Period: 1987–1992. A turbulent period begins when Univision and Telemundo launch. Telemundo’s founders are Wall Street “raiders” Saul Steinberg and Harry Silverman. Directed by Carlos Barba, Telemundo at first excels. Formerly SIN, Univision now is controlled by Hallmark, its head Irvine Hockaday. Directed by Joaquin Blaya, Univision counters Televisa’s high fees with two classic U.S.-produced Spanish-language shows: Sábado Gigante and Christina. However, the two networks divide audiences and suffer financially. At Telemundo, near bankruptcy, Steinberg ousts Silverman. Hallmark defaults on Univision’s debt. The first Hispanic Nielsen ratings, needed to attract advertisers, raise hopes for large revenues. However, Univision falls in the ratings when Blaya eliminates Televisa programs and initiates “domestic production.” Preferring foreign content, viewers reject further U.S.-produced shows. Hallmark sells Univision to Hollywood mogul Jerry Perenchio. He names Azcárraga part owner. Both eager to reinstate Televisa programs, largely telenovelas, in the U.S., Perenchio compels Azcárraga to sign a Program Licensing Agreement (PLA) by which Univision will pay Televisa a pittance for programs until 2017. Blaya is outraged. He resigns, becomes president of Telemundo, and stages a mutiny of Univision’s personnel.


2016 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Chambers ◽  
Ali Kabiri

This article examines in detail how John Maynard Keynes approached investing in the U.S. stock market on behalf of his Cambridge College after the 1929 Wall Street Crash. We exploit the considerable archival material documenting his portfolio holdings, his correspondence with investment advisors, and his two visits to the United States in the 1930s. While he displayed an enthusiasm for investing in common stocks, he was equally attracted to preferred stocks. His U.S. stock picks reflected his detailed analysis of company fundamentals and a pronounced value approach. Already in this period, therefore, it is possible to see the origins of some of the investment techniques adopted by professional investors in the latter half of the twentieth century.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parveen P. Gupta ◽  
Thomas R. Weirich ◽  
Lynn E. Turner

SYNOPSIS Since its passage, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 has been criticized, and praised, by many on numerous grounds and claims. However, no single provision of this law has come under more attack than Section 404, which mandates public reporting of internal control effectiveness by an issuer's management as well as its independent auditors. Even after 10 years, the opposition to the Section 404 internal control requirements has continued to the point where the U.S. Congress through two separate Acts—the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, and the 2012 Jump Start Our Business Startups (JOBS) Act—have permanently exempted the non-accelerated SEC filers and the “emerging growth” issuers with revenues of $1 billion or less from Section 404(b) of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002. Many of those who oppose the Section 404 requirements rest their claim on grounds that the U.S. Congress acted in haste in mandating the public reporting of internal controls by U.S.-listed companies and that the issue was not well thought out or debated. They also contend that the U.S. Congress acted under pressure because of the public outrage over the bankruptcy filings of Enron and WorldCom. To the contrary, this paper shows that the debate over public reporting of internal control by U.S. public companies is more than six decades old, dating back to the McKesson & Robbins fraud. This paper reviews relevant legislative proposals, bills introduced in both the House and the Senate, regulatory efforts by the SEC, and the recommendations of many commissions set up by the private sector to inform the reader how these efforts were the deliberative precursors to what was eventually codified in Section 404 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Wan-Soo Lee ◽  
Min-Kyu Lee ◽  
Seok Kang ◽  
Jae-Woong Yoo

This study explored a comparative analysis of how the South Korean and United States media framed the Samsung–Apple patent lawsuit. The South Korean and U.S. media have a tendency to report Samsung–Apple patent disputes in a completely different angle. While framing in favor of Samsung was frequent in South Korea, neutral frames were dominant in the United States. The South Korean newspapers showed a stronger nationalism in favor of Samsung, whereas the U.S. newspapers portrayed the business conflict in the market logic. The South Korean and U.S. newspapers also showed differences in framing according to the ideological characteristics of the newspaper. In South Korea, the main conservative newspaper ( Chosun Ilbo) framed the issue in favor of Samsung and the largest liberal newspaper ( Hankyoreh) revealed a tendency to frame it in favor of Apple. However, in the United States, only the main business newspaper ( Wall Street Journal) favored Apple. This study contributes to news framing research in that socio-cultural divergences, framing pool (e.g., generic frames vs. issue-specific frames), and journalistic contexts considered systematically.


Author(s):  
Pavel Koshkin

The escalation of the Arab-Israeli conflict has been testing the Biden administration since May 2021, with exposing the current Middle East agenda of U.S. media and its impact on Biden’s and democrats’ reputation. Despite the fact that the press has a certain, if restricted, influence on politics, intuitively, journalists come up with understanding of public opinion on Biden. This article deals with the problem of the U.S. president’s publicity through the lens of the current media discourse, with author relying on the descriptive method, discourse analysis and content analysis of materials in American mainstream media such as  The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall-Street Journal, The Los Angeles Times, Politico, Newsweek and Time. In conclusion, the author assumes that – alongside with the problems of inflation, economic crisis and the pandemic – the coverage of the recent Arab-Israeli escalation in the U.S. press has an additional negative impact on Biden’s reputation and his odds of winning the 2024 future election.


This chapter explains the fomentation of the Black Lives Matter movement, which began as a hashtag in 2013. The chapter explores the ideology and goals of the movement, as well as past and current tactics that the movement participants are utilizing to bring awareness to their cause. The chapter highlights numerous high-profile incidents that propelled Black Lives Matter onto the national stage, including the deaths of Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, and Sandra Bland. The chapter juxtaposes Black Lives Matter against other contemporary American social movements such as Occupy Wall Street to better understand the development of an opposition movement in the U.S.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Ross

Written from the participant perspective of the author, the article documents the debt resistance movement that is one of the enduring offshoots of Occupy Wall Street. Addressing the household debt crisis in the wake of the financial crash, it focuses in particular on student debt, approaching an aggregate 1.2 trillion in the U.S., with defaulters numbering in the tens of millions. The emergence of The Occupy Student Debt Campaign is analyzed, along with the initiatives of its successor, Strike Debt, including the Rolling Jubilee and the Debt Resistors Opera-tions Manual. The article concludes by arguing that debt will be the frontline of anticapitalist struggles in the 21st century, just as the struggle over wages dominated the twentieth century.


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