Strengthening Counterterrorism from the Information of a Successful Terrorist Attack and Failed Missions in the United States

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher A. D. Charles ◽  
Marie-Helen Maras
2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Antoinette Gmeiner

The world is still devastated by the horror terrorist attack on the United States of America and the loss of lives of thousands of people, as well as the loss of the 266 people aboard the four planes that crashed into the World Trade Centre, the Pentagon and near Pittsburgh. OpsommingDie wêreld is nog in skok oor die geweldadige terroriste aanval en die verlies van duisende lewens, insluitend die verlies van die 266 mense aanboord die vier vliegtuie wat in Amerika neergestort het. *Please note: This is a reduced version of the abstract. Please refer to PDF for full text.


Significance The government is aligning itself with the emerging international strategy against ISG in Syria. Its push to participate in airstrikes in part reflects a wish to reassert the United Kingdom's role as an international security partner, especially to the United States and France. Impacts The government envisages airstrikes as being needed for at least 12-18 months. The United Kingdom will be important but secondary in the anti-ISG coalition, with the United States continuing to conduct most operations. In the interests of its anti-ISG strategy, the government will temper its insistence on Syrian President Bashar al-Assad stepping down. The risk of an Islamist terrorist attack in the United Kingdom will increase. If Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn comes to be seen as correct in his anti-airstrikes stance, it will further envenom relations on the left.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Miletta

In 2017, a scholarship funded study tour was undertaken to learn how agencies in the United States of America were addressing a capability gap in relation to accessing, treatment and rescue of victims located in the warm zone of Active Shooter Hostile Events. Since this initial trip a number of after action reports and reviews of such incidents have been released. This paper explores the key learnings from these events to establish several essential elements and important considerations for the development of multi-agency warm zone capabilities. The incidents looked at are the: 2013 LAX Airport Active Shooter 2015 San Bernardino Terrorist Attack 2016 Pulse Nightclub Terrorist Attack 2017 Las Vegas Mass Shooting


Author(s):  
Joseph A. Custer

This paper examines information policy in libraries before and after the tragic destruction of the Twin Towers in New York, New York, on September 11, 2001. It carefully considers libraries’ role in the history of intellectual freedom in the United States and on an international scale. It investigates the rocky road that citizens from almost all countries have traveled in attempting to gain open access to information throughout modern history. It appraises some of the advances certain areas of the world have made in regard to intellectual freedom. The paper also investigates some areas of the world that are still confronting various degrees of censorship today. The paper then discusses the effect September 11, 2001 had on intellectual freedom and libraries. It scrutinizes the USA Patriot Act that was quickly passed in the United States in response to the terrorist attack. In addition, the paper explores other legislation from around the world that was enacted in direct reply to September 11, 2001.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Egalita Irfan

Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) is an armed unmanned plane, which is also one of the most advanced technologies developed by the United States. UAV is more superior compared with other kinds of weapon. Currently, it is used in many parts of the world as a part of the United States' counter-terrorism measure. However, the use of UAV in Pakistan since 2004 to 2012 does not successfully reduce the number of terrorist attack that happens on that country. This research aims to figure out the reasons behind this failure through the use of congruence in retrospective. The results show that the failure of UAV relies upon 3 factors: (1) US did not really understand the characteristic of targeted terrorist organizations, (2) there is a mistake in the decision making based on the intelligence cycle, and (3) the nonexistent of local society's support.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Riley

Some four miles as the crow flies from the site at which United 93, which was the fourth plane involved in the 9/11/2001 terrorist attack on the United States, struck ground, there sits a small chapel dedicated to the passengers and crew. The Thunder on the Mountain Chapel is considerably less well known than the Parks Department memorial a few hundred yards from the crash site, but it is, arguably at least, equally important in the cultural production of the Flight 93 myth. This article draws from Durkheim’s The Elementary Forms of Religious Life as well as other theoretical sources to look closely at the chapel. I argue that what is going on at the Chapel contributes to a totemic myth that turns the American flag into a representation of the dead national hero and then places the totem object into the beliefs and rituals of an American civil religion.


Author(s):  
Ken R. Crane

There are numerous and trenchant accounts of the tragic and disastrous Iraq War (2003–2011), which focus on its financial, human, and political cost to the US. Less has been written about the human cost to the Iraqi people in the largest displacement in the Middle East since 1948. Few Americans are cognizant that over three million Iraqis, many facing violence due to their cooperation with the US invasion and occupation, fled Iraq and that 124,159 were resettled in the US from 2008 to 2015 after an intense lobbying effort by former aid personnel and veterans. This ethnographic study explores the cartography of belonging for Iraqi refugees within a specific cultural geography—California’s Latinx-majority communities of southeastern California (known as the Inland Empire). The fieldwork in the IE spans a particular geopolitical era of resettlement mobilization, the Great Recession, and the December 2, 2015, terrorist attack in San Bernardino. The attack was immediately followed by candidate Donald Trump’s naming of Arab and Muslim refugees (including Iraqis) as threats to national security. With the mainstreaming of Islamophobia during the presidential election, the United States ceased to be a free space of religious and communal expression. Drawing on seven years of fieldwork with fifty Iraqi refugees, this book is a witness to how the felt sense of belonging—cultural citizenship—is negotiated within the social spaces of work, family, faith community.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2003 (1) ◽  
pp. 467-470
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Waldron ◽  
Jeanne M. Grasso

ABSTRACT Everything has changed since the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001. With more than 360 ports and 3,700 terminals handling passengers and cargo, the U.S. government quickly realized that the maritime industry was vulnerable and that the apparent gaping hole in our national security must be fixed. Numerous initiatives, including legislative, regulatory, and ad hoc actions, are being implemented to ensure the maritime industry is ready in case it is the “next target.” Concomitant with these efforts, come changes in existing standards and liabilities, including reduced rights and enhanced enforcement. This paper discusses the maritime-related implications of the emerging security regime in the United States post-September 11 including: (1) new and proposed legislation affecting vessel and facility owners and operators, (2) how increased security inspections may be used to enhance enforcement efforts, and (3) how the terrorist attacks have “raised the bar” with regard to owner and operator liability. Pollution preparedness and liability implications are also explored, including changes in liability and response actions resulting from a terrorist attack. Lastly, recommendations on appropriate preventive measures are provided.


2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini

The Terrorist Attacks In New York And Washington Dc On 11 September 2001, and the killing of thousands of people were not sufficient to dispel a mood of suspicion in European public opinion towards America. Of course, during the very first days after the attack, there was widespread grief and sorrow about the event among Europeans. But, as soon as discussion on the right strategy to pursu to combat terrorism began, the initial mood of identification with America started to change. And when America, although backed by a large international coalition and legitimated by two UN resolutions, moved towards an armed intervention in Afghanistan, European anti-Americanism emerged again. Thus, during the armed intervention in Afghanistan, especially when the bombing led to the death of innocent victims, a social mobilization against the American war grew day after day, with its critics apparently losing sight of the fact that a dramatic terrorist attack on America had recently taken place.The interesting question is why does anti-Americanism re-emerge regularly in large sections of European public opinion? This intermittent Anti-Americanism appears more in southern and continental Europe, than in the northern British Isles and Scandinavia, where it is outdone by a more vociferous anti-Europeanism. In the latter countries, anti-Americanism takes the form of uneasiness with the United States. In fact, in spite of Britain's traditional special relationship with the United States, the fact cannot be denied that post-war British elites grudgingly accept their inferior status in that special relationship. But, of course, frustration with America is not the same as anger towards America. In any case, in (continental) Europe, anti- Americanism seems to be one of the few public philosophies that can unite large sections of the left, the right and the Catholic Church. It is a public philosophy which emerges especially in periods of war (and of international crisis in general).


Author(s):  
Dora Schriro

The United States has long struggled with the practice of detaining immigrant families and over time, most reform efforts have flagged, if not failed. This paper examines the impact of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) through an exploration of the evolution of the family residential center (FRC) for families in immigration custody, established prior to the 9/11 terrorist attack by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), and expanded by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in its aftermath. The paper provides an inside look at how policymakers, at various points in the Obama administration, sought to roll back its most infirm practices and the fate of those efforts. It begins with a brief history of family detention in the United States, continues with a summary of the reforms undertaken both early and late in the Obama administration, and examines the significant challenges it faced and the less progressive positions it adopted during its first and second terms in office.The paper concludes with a discussion of reasons for the rapid reversal of its previous reforms and provides recommendations to achieve a civil, civil system of immigration enforcement for families and all others, which means nothing less than the transformation of the immigrant detention system from a criminal to a civil paradigm, consistent with the population and legal authorities.[1] The need for such an effort is all the more urgent in light of executive actions taken in the early days of the Trump administration and their initial outcomes. Among those thwarting admissions are  orders to Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and US Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) to seal the US borders, shun refugees fleeing from war-torn regions until “extreme vetting” measures are put into place, and reassess others who have already been issued visas.  Additional orders issued to ICE expanded and expedited the removal of persons whose conduct could result in charges or convictions as well as those with criminal charges or convictions, resulting in a 38 percent increase in arrests by ICE agents within the first 100 days of the Trump administration (Dickerson 2017b; Duara 2017).        [1] For further discussion of the concept of a civil, civil system of immigration enforcement, see Schriro (2009).


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