Marché, bureaucratie, formes de la domination politique. Une économie politique weberienne (Market, Bureaucracy and Political Power. A Political Economy in a Weberian Perspective)

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
François Bafoil
Author(s):  
Albert O. Hirschman

This chapter showcases one of Hirschman's keynote lectures at the Collège de France. Hirschman had chosen the theme of an enlarged political economy (une économie politique élargie) to show that the idea—the concept—of “interest” had a history and had been the battleground for economists since the seventeenth century. It is linked, however, not just to the concept of the self, but to the idea of political power itself. Through this lecture, Hirschman attempts to show that personal welfare and statecraft were intertwined from the start. The effort to narrow the definition had threatened to separate behaviors and activities from one domain of life from that of another, and distinguish selfish or “interested” motivations from altruistic or “ethical” actions. This trend had drained the concept itself of its great analytical power.


2004 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Menahem Blondheim

Abstract: The complexity of Innis’ texts has led to the streamlining of his main ideas and arguments into a sharply reduced abstract. This study juxtaposes Innis’ texts with this generally accepted précis and proposes its modification, mainly by way of understanding Innis as a social constructivist and communication determinist. On the basis of this construction, the study explores the origins of Innis’ approach and methods, considering continuities from his earlier work in political economy, the influence of the Chicago School, and his perspective as a civically involved Canadian, academic and official. The article concludes by considering the relevance of Innis’ ideas and approach to the analysis of our contemporary communications environment and the current state of communication research. Résumé : La complexité des textes d’Innis a entraîné la simplification par d’autres de ses idées et arguments principaux, ce qui a mené à un résumé profondément réducteur de sa pensée. Cette étude juxtapose les textes d’Innis avec ce résumé généralement accepté et propose sa modification, surtout en suggérant une perception d’Innis comme constructiviste social et déterministe communicationnel. L’étude se fonde sur cette perception pour explorer les origines de l’approche et des méthodes d’Innis tout en considérant leur continuité par rapport à ses premières oeuvres en économie politique, l’influence de l’école de Chicago et sa perspective en tant que Canadien, académicien et officiel qui s’impliquait civiquement. L’article conclut en considérant la pertinence des idées et de l’approche d’Innis pour l’analyse de la communication contemporaine et les recherches actuelles en communication.


Author(s):  
Robert Garner ◽  
Peter Ferdinand ◽  
Stephanie Lawson

Combining theory, comparative politics, and international relations, Introduction to Politics provides an introduction to the subject. It covers both comparative politics and international relations, and contextualises this material with a wide range of international examples. The text takes a balanced approached to the subject, serving as a strong foundation for further study. The material is explored in an accessible way for introductory study, but takes an analytical approach which encourages more critical study and debate. Topics range from political power and authority to democracy, political obligation, freedom, justice, political parties, institutions and states, and global political economy


Author(s):  
Christopher Clapham

Ethiopia’s political economy has historically been shaped by two key factors: the strength of the state, and the divergence between the sources of political power, concentrated in the northern highlands, and of economic power, concentrated in the southern and western regions incorporated in the late nineteenth century. These features were intensified under both imperial (1941–74) and revolutionary (1974–91) regimes that used a greatly strengthened state to promote development programmes that rested on the economic exploitation of politically marginalized regions. The EPRDF regime, in office since 1991, has addressed these problems through a federal system designed to rectify historical imbalances in political power, combined with a ‘developmental state’ that drew on East Asian models to generate rapid economic growth through incorporation into the global economy, while retaining a strong role for the state. Despite the impressive successes of this programme, problems derived from the historical structure of Ethiopian statehood inevitably remain.


Author(s):  
Andrew Needham

This chapter examines how manufacturing passed agriculture as the Phoenix's largest economic sector. By 1960, manufacturing employed thirty thousand people and generated income of $435 million in Phoenix, compared to fewer than one thousand employees and income of $5 million twenty years earlier. It also remade the landscape. In Phoenix's industrial boom, the “clean” factories of companies located operations outside of Phoenix's traditional industrial areas south of downtown, creating a landscape labeled “industrial garden”—a booster dreamscape in which “neighborhoods and factories, workers and managers, homes and highways were to coexist in a delicate balance.” The demand of “clean” industries for ever increasing amounts of electricity grew at double-digit rates annually from 1950 to 1965. This demand represented not only the manifestations of a new industrial landscape, it also reflected the increasing political power of Phoenix's boosters and others like them across the West within the postwar American political economy.


1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitai Etzioni

ABSTRACTEconomic actors command political power as well as economic power. It is used to the same effect to create monopolies and oligopolies. The two powers can be combined; e.g., aside from monopolies based only on economic power or only on government intervention, there are especially powerful monopolies that command both powers. The stability of the various power holders is related to the nature of their power base; pure economic power is particularly unstable. However, economic power can be more readily amassed than interventionist power, which violates norms, and has a sharply declining marginal utility. When the effects of interventionist power are added to those of economic power, economies such as America, which are often classified as quite competitive, turn out to be much less so.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie S. Davidson

Since the 2008 rice crisis, Malaysia's rice policies have been caught between government efforts to raise production and its support of the country's monopoly rice importer (Bernas). This article argues that when the politics behind the country's policies are revealed, the paradox is more apparent than real. The three principal policy components — gratifying Barisan Nasional's coalition partners in East Malaysia by expanding the acreage devoted to rice; buttressing the rural Malay economy by providing subsidies through a yield-enhancing programme; and relying on big business for financial support (Bernas's new owner is one of Malaysia's richest businessmen) — aim to serve the same end: to perpetuate UMNO's political power amid increasing electoral competition.


2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Hanke

Abstract: This article develops a political economy of Indymedia practice. After reviewing other current approaches to the Indymedia phenomenon, democratic media activism, and traditions of dissent, I draw upon Pierre Bourdieu’s unique sociological perspective to offer an analysis of the Ontario Independent Media Centre as a website of social struggles against neo-liberalism. This study reveals that Indymedia practice is a simultaneously structured and spontaneous form of collective media work on the margins of the political and journalistic fields. Whether such experiments in democratic communication will survive and develop will depend on whether Indymedia centres can become more central to the educational field. Résumé : Cet article développe une économie politique des pratiques propres aux « Indymedia » (médias indépendants en ligne). Après avoir passé en revue d’autres approches courantes de ce phénomène, du militantisme médiatique démocratique et des traditions de contestation, j’utilise la perspective sociologique singulière de Pierre Bourdieu pour analyser comment le site Internet du Centre de média indépendant d’Ontario aide à lutter contre le néolibéralisme. Cette étude montre que les pratiques Indymedia sont une forme de travail médiatique collectif à la fois structuré et spontané qui existe à la lisière des champs politiques et journalistiques. La survie et le développement de ces expériences en communication démocratique ne sont pas assurées, cependant, et dépendront de la capacité des centres Indymedia à occuper une place plus centrale dans le domaine éducatif.


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