The United States’ Policy of Targeted Killing and the Use of Force: Another Exception to the United Nations Use of Force Regime

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Sell
1987 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon A. Christenson

In the merits phase of decision in the case brought by Nicaragua against the United States, the World Court briefly mentions references by states or publicists to the concept of jus cogens. These expressions are used to buttress the Court’s conclusion that the principle prohibiting the use of force found in Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter is also a rule of customary international law.


1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 705-723

The panel believes the time has come for a reassessment of the United States approach toward representation of mainland China in the United Nations. The United States' position in world affairs would be strengthened, we believe, by acknowledging that the China originally contemplated in the Charter has now been succeeded by two states, and that both states should be Members of die United Nations. The recent hardening of Maoist extremism in Peking and the xenophobic excesses of the Red Guards convincingly demonstrate, in our view, the need to provide this fresh and timely encouragement to those moderate influences that still remain in China.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-28
Author(s):  
Edgar Lockwood

I appreciate very much this opportunity to present our views on what the United States should do to encourage political progress in Rhodesia.Since the establishment of the Washington Office on Africa in the fall of 1972, we have devoted much of our efforts to working with sympathetic members of Congress and citizens across the country to improve United States policy toward Rhodesia and specifically to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which three-and-a-half years ago created a statutory violation of this country’s treaty obligation to comply with the United Nations sanctions program. So we are pleased to participate in hearings on southern Africa and especially this one on Rhodesia.


1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-825
Author(s):  
Allen Sultan

The United Nations Conference on International Commercial Arbitration convened from the 20th of May until the 10th of June, 1958, at the Organization’s Headquarters in New York. Early in the general debate, the United States Eepresentative, Mr. Beale, stated that his Government wasaware that it was necessary to improve both the law and the practice of arbitration if it was desired that that institution should play its part properly in the settlement of disputes arising out of international trade.


1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 653-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lincoln P. Bloomfield

Like a chronic sore that never quite cripples, hurts most of the time, and sometimes becomes dangerously inflamed, the issue of China in the United Nations has plagued United States policy for almost twenty years.


Author(s):  
Gregory A. Barton

While a few positive stories on organic farming appeared in the 1970s most mainstream press coverage mocked or dismissed organic farmers and consumers. Nevertheless, the growing army of consumer shoppers at health food stores in the United States made the movement impossible to ignore. The Washington Post and other newspapers shifted from negative caricatures of organic farming to a supportive position, particularly after the USDA launched an organic certification scheme in the United States under the leadership of Robert Bergland. Certification schemes in Europe and other major markets followed, leading to initiatives by the United Nations for the harmonization of organic certification through multilateral agencies. As organic standards proliferated in the 1990s the United Nations stepped in to resolve the regulatory fragmentation creating a global market for organic goods.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-459
Author(s):  
Kai He ◽  
T. V. Paul ◽  
Anders Wivel

The rise of “the rest,” especially China, has triggered an inevitable transformation of the so-called liberal international order. Rising powers have started to both challenge and push for the reform of existing multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and to create new ones, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The United States under the Trump administration, on the other hand, has retreated from the international institutions that the country once led or helped to create, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the Paris Agreement; the Iran nuclear deal; the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO); and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The United States has also paralyzed the ability of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to settle trade disputes by blocking the appointment of judges to its appellate body. Moreover, in May 2020, President Trump announced his decision to quit the Open Skies Treaty, an arms control regime designed to promote transparency among its members regarding military activities. During the past decade or so, both Russia and the United States have been dismantling multilateral arms control treaties one by one while engaging in new nuclear buildups at home.


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