Conceptualising Violence Against Women in the Work of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women

Author(s):  
Sarah E. Jewell
2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rashida Manjoo

Globally violence against women is a systemic and widespread problem. Despite the recognition of such violence as a violation of human rights, its numerous manifestations and increasing prevalence rates are a source of concern. The mandate of the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences has over the eighteen years of its existence examined the phenomena both conceptually and in practice, through thematic reports and country mission reports, respectively. This article focuses on 4 aspects of violence against women. (1) It provides an overview of the evolution of violence against women as a human rights issue. (2) It examines the different manifestations of violence against women. (3) It examines the interpretation by States of their obligation to exercise due diligence in responding to and preventing violence against women. (4) It proposes a holistic approach to dealing with the issue of Violence against Women.


Author(s):  
Richard Falk

This chapter reflects on the role as special rapporteur of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), which investigated the human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The chapter first provides an overview of the role and office of special rapporteur, noting that UN concerns about Israel and responses to Palestinian grievances are highly politicized within the organization, before discussing some of the characteristics that distinguish the mandate established by the HRC and made applicable to Occupied Palestine. It also explains what was accomplished in six years as special rapporteur of the HRC and details the controversies and pressures attached to that job. It shows that the “UN” comprises different layers, agendas, and interests. The chapter claims that while the United Nations secretary-general in New York permitted personal attacks against the special rapporteur, the leadership and professionals of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva strongly supported his efforts in what the chapter calls the “legitimacy war”.


2011 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sreeparna Ghosh

On a warm October day in 2005, I attended a state level conference on preventing violence against women in Mumbai. The speakers included state (Maharashtra) and national level administrative officials, representatives of the United Nations and the United Nations Population Funds (UNFPA), social workers and members of several NGOs. One of the speakers, a high-ranking bureaucrat in the Ministry of Family Welfare, in a fiery speech condemning all forms of violence against women, urged service providers to follow a "zero tolerance policy." In other words, no form of violence against women should be tolerated. She recommended that women be urged to resist and leave their husbands if they are being subjected to physical violence. As is customary, everyone praised her commitment to women's causes. However a few of the members of non-governmental organizations were skeptical about her approach, and though careful not to voice their objections in public, privately criticized her approach for its impracticality and lack of understanding of poor women's needs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Joseph Eliot Magnet

Abstract On July 9, 2018 Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship. On July 17, 2018 Ethiopia announced plans for landlocked Ethiopia to use Eritrea’s port of Assab. Ethiopia’s proposed use of Assab has implications for the indigenous Afar people who have lived in the port area for two thousand years. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Eritrea and the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea found that Eritrea engaged in widespread persecution of the Afar people, including evicting them from the port area of Assab without any compensation. Both UN entities found that this persecution amounted to crimes against humanity. This paper considers the legal consequences for Ethiopia and Ethiopian officials if they use the Assab port area taken from the Afar by criminal means: will they be involving themselves in Eritrea’s crimes? The paper then considers alternative arrangements from the perspective of where the interests of Ethiopia, Eritrea and the Afar are anticipated to converge. It concludes with proposals to resolve the present untenable situation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document