Structural Violence and Political Transparency: A Case Study of the Bedouin Communities of Jordan vs. Israel

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Bennett ◽  
Jessica Dargiel
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-271
Author(s):  
Salo de Carvalho ◽  
David R Goyes ◽  
Valeria Vegh Weis

Abstract There is a dearth of criminological scholarship on how the political persuasions of governments affect Indigenous people as it relates to human rights and environmental consequences, whether positive or negative, for Indigenous peoples. To address this gap, we develop a comparative instrumental case study of the policies concerning Indigenous peoples implemented during two political periods in Brazil: the administrations of presidents Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) and the administrations of Temer (2016–2018) and Bolsonaro (2019–). We explore the consequences for Indigenous peoples of these leftist and the right-wing governments. We argue that governments of both political leanings victimize Indigenous populations, with leftist governments using structural violence and right-wing governments engaging additionally in symbolic and direct violence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2097501
Author(s):  
Mary Luz Alzate-Zuluaga ◽  
Williams Gilberto Jiménez-García

An analysis of violence using data from 2018 to 2019 in the village of Altavista in Medellín, Colombia, concludes that economic globalization and a crisis of the social state have led to an increase in inequality and structural violence. This phenomenon, culturally reinforced by the acceptance and normalization of these events, constitutes a window of opportunity for the entrenchment of violent entrepreneurship using extortive economic activities to accumulate capital, resulting in increased precarity for the inhabitants of the village. Un análisis de la violencia en la aldea de Altavista en Medellín, Colombia, utilizando los datos de 2018 a 2019 concluye que la globalización económica y una crisis del estado social han dado lugar a un aumento en la desigualdad y la violencia estructural. Este fenómeno, culturalmente reforzado por la aceptación y normalización de dichos acontecimientos, constituye una ventana de oportunidad para el afianzamiento de una violenta cultura económica basada en la acumulación de capital a partir de la extorsión, lo cual exacerba la presencia de la precariedad en las vidas de los habitantes del pueblo.


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashrafuzzaman Khan

The notion of structural violations of human rights is increasingly gaining currency in international human rights arenas. Structural violence yields a complex picture of inequality in terms of social, economic, political and human rights arenas. The study intended to understand the extent of structural violence with a special reference to the state of human rights of the women of the marginalized communities Bihari, Garo and Ahmadiyya in Bangladesh. The study employed a qualitative approach, applying a case study technique that dealt with three women of these communities and aiming to substantiate structural violence in relation to human rights perspectives. The study revealed that the women of the three marginalized communities experienced diverse forms of violence, including psychological, physical, sexual, etc., that violated their human rights. There was also a failure to restore their peace and security. The theory of structural violence provides a useful framework for understanding the structural inequalities that systematically deny marginalized communities, especially women of these communities, from achieving basic human rights in their daily lives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius Nel

The phenomenon of discrimination against women within Pentecostal churches in terms of ministry and leadership is investigated to propose a strategy for deconstructing such structural violence. The violence is described in terms of a case study, the history of a prominent South African Pentecostal denomination (Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa) that initially recognised the involvement of women in all forms of ministry; subsequently in the 1940s refusing their ministry as preachers and pastors, and eventually at the end of the 1970s offering them the same ministerial privileges as for males. Their recognition is, however, characterised by a practical non-application of a church order that in effect represents the commitment of violence against women. It is argued that the change in perspectives of women’s ministry and leadership is hermeneutical in nature. To deconstruct it would need revisiting Pentecostalism’s original hermeneutic as well as restoring its restorationist urge of egalitarianism and inclusiveness.


Fully Human ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 174-196
Author(s):  
Lindsey N. Kingston

Chapter 7 shifts the discussion to focus specifically on the case study of the United States, where “second-class” citizens are often unable to access fully functioning citizenship and enjoy their rights to place and purpose. Drawing from the work of Margaret Somers, the “contractualization of citizenship” and “color-blind” politics often lead to situations of “internal statelessness” in one of the world’s wealthiest, most powerful countries. Issues of police brutality and inequality before the law arise from pervasive systems of unequal citizenship and structural violence against racial minorities, many of whom occupy lower socioeconomic classes than their White counterparts in American cities such as Detroit, Flint, and Saint Louis. Human rights challenges such as forced eviction, lack of clean drinking water and affordable healthcare, and widespread racial inequalities highlight the ways many people are denied their full rights to place and purpose despite their status as American citizens.


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