An Epidemic Model of Mass Killing and Public Support in Civil War

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri M. Zhukov
2020 ◽  
pp. 20-67
Author(s):  
Daniel Krcmaric

This chapter analyses the theory about the justice dilemma and derives testable hypotheses on how international justice shapes patterns of exile, civil war duration, and mass killing onset. It offers both quantitative and qualitative evidence to assess the theory on the justice dilemma in multiple ways. It also points out how exile traditionally offered an attractive golden parachute for all embattled rulers and provided a mechanism for leaders to give up power in a manner that is relatively costless. The chapter reviews the recent trend toward holding leaders accountable for atrocity crimes that are irrespective of national borders, which complicates the exile option. It refers to the signing of the ICC's Rome Statute and the arrest of former Chilean leader Augusto Pinochet that made the threat of arrest on foreign soil appear far more realistic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Krcmaric

Why do some civil wars feature the mass killing of civilians while others do not? Recent research answers this question by adopting a ‘varieties of civil war’ approach that distinguishes between guerrilla and conventional civil wars. One particularly influential claim is that guerrilla wars feature more civilian victimization because mass killing is an attractive strategy for states attempting to eliminate the civilian support base of an insurgency. In this article, I suggest that there are two reasons to question this ‘draining the sea’ argument. First, the logic of ‘hearts and minds’ during guerrilla wars implies that protecting civilians – not killing them – is the key to success during counterinsurgency. Second, unpacking the nature of fighting in conventional wars gives compelling reasons to think that they could be particularly deadly for civilians caught in the war’s path. After deriving competing predictions on the relationship between civil war type and mass killing, I offer an empirical test by pairing a recently released dataset on the ‘technology of rebellion’ featured in civil wars with a more nuanced dataset of mass killing than those used in several previous studies. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, I find that mass killing onset is more likely to occur during conventional wars than during guerrilla wars.


2019 ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Michel Otayek

This chapter examines the literature produced by the CNT-FAI during the Spanish Civil War, with a focus on Estampas de la Revolución Española and ¿España? Un libro de imágenes sobre cuentos de miedo y calumnias fascistas. The author shows that the revolutionary narrative had the power to generate considerable media interest and mobilize public support beyond anarchist circles. However, the Foreign Propaganda Office failed to capitalize on the strengths of existing networks across the United States at a time of increased collaboration between Hispanic and non-Hispanic anarchist groups. As head of the Foreign Propaganda Office, Augustin Souchy developed and sought to carry out a propaganda production and distribution strategy that relied heavily on his links to anarchist networks across Europe, particularly in France and Sweden, while all but neglecting the renewed strength of the movement in North America.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 677-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Uzonyi ◽  
Richard Hanania
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
N. A. Smirnov

In recent years, in many countries around the world the role of society in political decision making quickly strengthened, and the population is increasingly affects the position of the state leaders. For countries pretending to have the support of its policies in other regions, public diplomacy is an essential tool. Today, public diplomacy is regularly used in various conflicts, one of which is the civil war in Syria. Media, Internet, social networks and other tools are used daily to cover the events and create the necessary views of the population in different countries. At the beginning of the article the reasons for the outbreak of the war are discussed from the standpoints of the main actors - the current Syrian government and its opposition, as well as their allies and enemies. The causes of the conflict are essential for further evaluation of the evs, so diametrically opposite points of view of the main actors of the events are analyzed in the material. Then we consider the coverage of the war, because period of direct military action is important to assess the behavior of its members. Among the most important and controversial topics covered by the international media in the conflict, are the use of prohibited weapons, killing of civilians, a violation of international agreements. Determination of the prospects of civil war in Syria is also critical when planning further action by all these events. To get the necessary public support, the parties are trying to have different interpretation of further scenarios. Much depends on this: whether the country's population supports the direction of further assistance or troops, how residents of other countries would react to a further continuation of the conflict, or how the representatives of international organizations would answer the question about the legitimacy of any move. The formation of public opinion in different countries aimed at obtaining approval of its policy on the part of the population and the necessary support for further action. Each of the parties to the conflict, using its own and is making significant opportunities attempts to provide the necessary coverage of the events in this war. Analyzing numerous publications, photos and videos, largely specially rigged to achieve the desired result, it is difficult to say about the objective picture of what is happening, but it is an indisputable fact of enormous human sacrifices, millions of people who have fled their country and the destroyed country in the heart of the Middle East.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 1043-1075 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMANDA SNELLINGER

AbstractYouth frustration was a front-running issue during Nepal's decade-long civil war (1996–2006) and democratic protests (2003–2006). Young activists were mobilized as foot soldiers in these political battles, but they also capitalized on their position to establish themselves politically. They earned public recognition for their direct action; however, they have struggled to stay relevant as their parties shifted from protesting against the government to running the government. In response, youth activists leveraged the public support they earned and general concern over youth disenfranchisement to demand an active role in state restructuring. The Maoist-majority Constituent Assembly government partially heeded them by handing over the task of drafting the National Youth Policy to their youth wings and other youth activists. This policy shaped the youth-focused agenda of the newly designed Ministry of Youth and Sports and other government bureaus. This article uses the National Youth Policy as the context for an examination of how youth activists are establishing public authority beyond (violent) protest. By focusing on the micro-politics of the committee appointed to draft the Policy, I analyse the techniques its members used to assert their political values and agendas through policymaking in order to secure their positions during politically turbulent times. This article elucidates how formalized governing practices and revolutionary politics blend to reconstitute state order in the aftermath of civil war.


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