Social Capital and Voter Turnout: Evidence from Saint's Day Fiestas in Mexico

Author(s):  
Matthew Atkinson ◽  
Anthony Fowler
Keyword(s):  
2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew D. Atkinson ◽  
Anthony Fowler

Social capital and community activity are thought to increase voter turnout, but reverse causation and omitted variables may bias the results of previous studies. This article exploits saint's day fiestas in Mexico as a natural experiment to test this causal relationship. Saint's day fiestas provide temporary but large shocks to the connectedness and trust within a community, and the timing of these fiestas is quasi-random. For both cross-municipality and within-municipality estimates, saint's day fiestas occurring near an election decrease turnout by 2.5 to 3.5 percentage points. So community activities that generate social capital can inhibit political participation. These findings may give pause to scholars and policy makers who assume that such community activity and social capital will improve the performance of democracy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (10) ◽  
pp. 1413-1425 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES B. KIRKBRIDE ◽  
CRAIG MORGAN ◽  
PAUL FEARON ◽  
PAOLA DAZZAN ◽  
ROBIN M. MURRAY ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTBackgroundThe incidence of schizophrenia varies by individual-level characteristics and neighbourhood-level attributes. Few specific socio-environmental risk factors (SERFs) have been identified at the neighbourhood level. Cross-level interactions are poorly understood. We investigated these issues using data from the Aetiology and Ethnicity in Schizophrenia and Other Psychoses (AESOP) study.MethodAll incidence cases of ICD-10 schizophrenia (F20) and other non-affective psychoses (F21–29), aged 16–64 years, across 33 wards in Southeast London were identified over a 2-year period (1997–1999). Census data provided the denominator for each ward. Multilevel Poisson regression simultaneously modelled individual- and neighbourhood-level SERFs, including socio-economic deprivation, voter turnout (proxy for social capital), ethnic fragmentation (segregation) and ethnic density.ResultsA total of 218 subjects were identified during 565 576 person-years at risk. Twenty-three per cent of variance in incidence of schizophrenia across wards could be attributed to neighbourhood-level risk factors [95% confidence interval (CI) 9·9–42·2]. Thus, 1% increases in voter turnout [incidence rate ratio (IRR) 0·95, 95% CI 0·92–0·99] and ethnic segregation (IRR 0·95, 95% CI 0·92–0·99) were both independently associated with a reduced incidence of 5%, independent of age, sex, ethnicity, deprivation and population density. This was similar for other non-affective psychoses. There was some evidence that ethnic minority individuals were at greater risk of schizophrenia in areas with smaller proportions of minority groups (p=0·07).ConclusionSERFs at individual and neighbourhood levels were implicated in the aetiology of psychosis, but we were unable to determine whether these associations were causal. Individual risk may be mediated by social capital, which could operate as a protective factor, perhaps moderating social stress in the onset of psychoses.


2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIETLIND STOLLE ◽  
MARC HOOGHE

In his 1790 address to the Académie Française in Paris, Condorcet noted that every new generation has a tendency to accuse itself of being less civic-minded than previous cohorts. Two centuries later, this argument has once again regained front-page status. The debate is currently focused on the question of whether or not social capital and civic engagement are declining in Western societies. In his academic best-seller Bowling Alone, Robert Putnam argues that younger age cohorts, socialized in the prosperous economic conditions of the 1960s and onwards, are less inclined to engage in community life and in politics, and also less likely to trust their fellow citizens. By contrast, the ‘long civic generation’, born roughly between 1910 and 1940, is portrayed as much more motivated in these respects. They readily volunteer in community projects, read newspapers and take on more social responsibilities. In this view, a process of generational replacement is responsible for a steady decline of social capital and civic engagement in American society. As the long civic generation is replaced by younger age cohorts, the social capital stock of American communities slowly diminishes. The indicators used to substantiate this claim are numerous and diverse: measures for voter turnout, attendance of club meetings, generalized trust, the number of common family dinners, the number of card games played together, and even respect for traffic rules. All of these attitudes and behaviours, it is argued, depict a significant downward trend.Although Putnam is by far the most vocal of all scholars in the ‘decline of social capital’ choir, he certainly is not the only author describing an erosion of traditional societal relations.


Author(s):  
David Imhonopi ◽  
Ugochukwu Moses Urim

The objectives of this chapter are to examine social media and citizens' participation in elections in Nigeria's Fourth Republic; appraise social media and delivery of democratic dividends in Nigeria's Fourth Republic; and identify the relationship among social media, citizen participation in elections, and delivery of democratic dividends in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. The study was hinged on the social capital and democratic participant media theories and a review of relevant academic literature. The study finds that while social media facilitated citizen participation during elections in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, actual voter turnout was low. Also, the study shows that in spite of social media use by Nigerian citizens, democracy dividends are yet to be delivered to Nigerian citizens. And lastly, findings reveal that there appears to be a weak relationship between social media and citizens' participation in elections in Nigeria and that social media use by Nigerians has not delivered the dividends of democracy to the people.


Author(s):  
Nadia Fiorino ◽  
Emma Galli ◽  
Nicola Pontarollo

AbstractIn this paper we develop a new composite indicator, named Social Catalyst, able to account for the complex and multifaceted nature of the social capital in a unitary measure. We use our indicator, as well as its components, to explore the relation between social capital and electoral participation in the parliamentary elections in Italy from 1994 to 2008, addressing the potential endogeneity bias. Our findings show that (i) the Social Catalyst positively and significantly affects voter turnout in both Chambers; (ii) among the different dimensions of social capital, social norms and associational networks play a prominent role in the Italian regional context.


2020 ◽  
pp. 089976401989784
Author(s):  
Kendra Dupuy ◽  
Aseem Prakash

Laws that restrict foreign funding to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can depress voting through two mechanisms. First, they can signal a democracy recession. Consequently, citizens might fear rigged elections where their vote will not influence who forms the next government. Second, by denying funding to NGOs, these laws can undermine NGOs’ ability to generate social capital, which is crucial to mitigate collective action problems associated with voting. Since 1990, 13 of Africa’s 54 states have enacted laws restricting foreign funding for NGOs. Drawing on the 2016 Afrobarometer survey (36 countries, 53,936 respondents), we find support for the argument that restrictive NGO laws reduce citizens’ electoral participation in national elections probably by signaling democracy recession, and not by undermining social capital that foreign-funded NGOs are supposed to generate. In fully democratic countries, respondents are around 94% more likely to report having voted in a recent national election even after controlling for restrictive NGO laws.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 363-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Reza Nakhaie

Abstract.The purpose of this paper is to highlight the importance of social relations or social capital for voting turnout at three levels of Canadian government, paying particular attention to social contexts, socio-demographics and socio-economic forces. The data source is the Public Use Microdata File from theNational Survey of Giving, Volunteering and Participation, administered by Statistics Canada (2001). Results provide support for social capital theory. Those who donate to charities and/or volunteer have a stronger propensity to vote than their counterparts. Two other measures of social capital, social networks and participation in religious activities, are also related to turnout. However, their effects are comparatively modest. Among the social bases of social capital, community rootedness is an important predictor of turnout. Civic engagement or attentiveness to current affairs also significantly increases voter turnout at all levels of Canadian government. Finally, standard socio-economic and demographic predictors of political participation do show independent effects on turnout. However, with the exception of age, these predictors are not as consistent or as strong as social capital measures in explaining turnout. Theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed.Résumé.L'objectif de cette étude est de souligner l'importance des relations sociales ou “ capital social ” en ce qui concerne la participation aux élections municipales, provinciales et fédérales au Canada, en prêtant une attention particulière aux contextes sociaux et aux forces socio-démographiques et socio-économiques. Nos données proviennent du fichier de microdonnées à grande diffusion del'Enquête nationale sur le don, le bénévolat et la participation, administré par Statistique Canada (2001). Les résultats vérifient la théorie du capital social. Les gens qui font des dons aux organismes de bienfaisance ou font du bénévolat ont une tendance plus marquée à voter que les autres. Deux autres mesures de capital social, l'appartenance à des réseaux sociaux et la participation à des activités religieuses, ont aussi une corrélation positive avec la participation électorale. Leur impact est cependant relativement limité. Parmi les composantes du capital social, l'enracinement dans la communauté est un indicateur important de participation. L'engagement dans la vie civique ou un intérêt marqué pour les affaires courantes augmentent aussi d'une façon significative la participation aux élections à tous les niveaux gouvernementaux. Finalement, il s'avère que les variables explicatives socio-économiques et démographiques standard de la participation politique ont des effets indépendants sur le vote. Toutefois, à l'exception de l'âge, ces variables ne sont ni aussi constantes ni aussi déterminantes que les mesures du capital social pour expliquer la participation. Nous discutons dans cet article les implications théoriques et politiques de nos conclusions.


Author(s):  
Mark N. Franklin ◽  
Cees van der Eijk ◽  
Diana Evans ◽  
Michael Fotos ◽  
Wolfgang Hirczy de Mino ◽  
...  

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