scholarly journals Der Einfluss extremistischer Gewaltereignisse auf das Framing von Extremismen auf SPIEGEL Online

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-45
Author(s):  
Oliver Czulo ◽  
Dominic Nyhuis ◽  
Adam Weyell
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Violent Event ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Extremism ◽  
Logics Of Action

In this article, we examine the representation of right-wing extremism, left-wing extremism and Islamism in the media-public discourse using the example of SPIEGEL Online, one of the leading German media. We derive four central dimensions for the conceptualization of extremisms: ideological foundation, origin of the actors, position towards society and typical actions. We observe the development of the representation of extremisms at potential breakpoints: We investigate the associative framing of the extremisms before and after a prominent extremism-related violent event, namely 9/11, the publication of the NSU scandal and left-wing extremist activities during the G20 summit. We observe changes in framing motivated by the selected events and compare the resulting framing with the current definitions of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, in order to work out possible differences in the conceptualization of extremism variants with potentially different logics of action to be expected from diverging conceptualisations.

scholarly journals IDEOLOGI RADIKALISME DALAM ISLAM TENTANG WACANA HOMOSEKSUAL DI MEDIA MASSA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Fita Fathurokhmah
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ideological Difference

This article wants to examine how the media ideology about the concept of radicalism in Islam in the mass media of Republika and Koran Tempo. The Republika newspaper supports and agrees to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) both with an understanding of the prohibition of homosexuality and the appointment of news of FPI's violence against homosexuals. The Tempo newspaper is more about renewing ideas such as reporting on the views of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in respect of homosexuals. Homosexuality is the same sex lover or the choice of sexuality abnormalities is normal as a human being, it does not need to be criticized but must be respected as individual freedom. There is a fundamental ideological difference between Republika and Koran Tempo by renewing the concept of homosexuality with thinking radicalism on the basis of Islamic teachings. The homosexual issue, FPI applies the meaning of Islamic radicalism from the right-wing side which promotes violence as resistance, while JIL applies the meaning of radicalism from the left-wing side which prioritizes the radicalism of thought and law in the Koran.  AbstrakArtikel ini ingin mengkaji bagaimana ideologi media tentang konsep radikalisme dalam Islam di media massa Republika dan Koran Tempo. Surat kabar Republika mendukung dan setuju pada Front Pembela Islam (FPI) baik dengan pemahaman pelarangan homoseksual dan pengangkatan berita tindak kekerasan FPI melawan homoseksual. Koran Tempo lebih pada pembaharuan pemikiran seperti pemberitaan pandangan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) terkait menghormatinya kaum homoseksual. Homoseksual adalah penyuka sesama jenis atau pilihan kelainan seksualitas itu normal sebagai manusia, tidak perlu dicela tapi harus dihargai sebagai kebebasan individu. Terdapat perbedaan ideologi yang mendasar antara Republika dan Koran Tempo dengan melakukan pembaharuan konsep homoseksual dengan radikalisme berpikir dengan pijakan ajaran Islam. Persoalan homoseksual, FPI menerapkan makna radikalisme Islam dari sisi sayap kanan yang mengedepankan kekerasan sebagai perlawanan, sedangkan JIL menerapkan makna radikalisme dari sisi sayap kiri yang mengutamakan keradikalan pemikiran dan hukum dalam al-Quran.

Zapobieganie prawicowemu ekstremizmowi i jego zwalczanie na przykładzie Niemiec

2011 ◽  
pp. 168-190
Author(s):  
Kinga Schlesinger
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Main Target ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

The article scrutinises the issue of right-wing extremism in Germany in recent years. The analysis leads to the conclusion that this problem is gathering in force in the UE while in Germany it is tending to diminish. The anti-extremism actions undertaken in Germany are so significant that they may provide a sui generis model for the other EU states and the European Commission to follow. The article describes, how right-wing extremism is prevented and countered, in particular as exemplified by Germany. Anti-extremist actions are carried out with regard to various entities and in various fields, namely, legislation, justice, administration, education, the media and NGOs. The article provides a review of anti-extremism strategies applied by the state bodies to the extreme right-wing parties, from marginalising them, in the case of Germany, to accepting them into ruling coalitions, in the case of Austria. The author’s considerations lead her to the conclusion that the main target groups in anti-extremist actions should be the youth and journalists.

Agendamelding and out-group derogation

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-144
Author(s):  
Jeffrey K. Riley ◽  
Holly S. Cowart
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Group Formation ◽  
News Article ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The Social ◽  
Media Platform ◽  
The Media

Abstract This study is a mixed-method quantitative and qualitative content analysis that examined the overlapping presence of agendamelding theory and in-group out-group formation on the social media platform Reddit. The study looked at the top 10 posts for one month (n = 310) on the pro-Donald Trump subreddit /r/The_Donald. The results show that media choice was used to prove membership to the in-group, often by derogating the media used by the out-group. Specific patterns emerged within the derogative language as well. Links to left-wing and neutral news media sites were often commented on and criticized, while the content of the linked news article was ignored or changed. Right-wing news media sites, which were used as news sources rather than commentary, were typically posted without changes, unlike neutral news media sites, which were often posted in a mocking manner. As agendamelding suggests, participants sought to avoid dissonance by posting media to fit within the community.

Aligning language to ideology

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-232
Author(s):  
Anastasia Smirnova
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Shared Beliefs ◽  
Social Meanings ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Media ◽  
Perception Of Time

This paper compares and analyzes mass media language in Bulgaria before and after the breakdown of the communist regime with the goal to reveal the effect of political setting, communist vs. democratic, on the form of public discourse in the media. The comparison reveals statistically significant differences in the types of grammatical constructions used in the communist and democratic media (active vs. passive), as well as differences in grammatical properties of nouns (animacy, concreteness, and properness) and verbs (tense and evidentiality). I propose that the observed differences are best explained within a sociocognitive model of context proposed by van Dijk (2008). From this perspective, linguistic characteristics of the democratic and communist discourse examined in the paper reflect speakers’ shared beliefs about the system of social meanings and fundamental principles of their respective societies, such as humanism vs. institutionalism, individualism vs. collectivism, and the differences in the perception of time.

scholarly journals Horseshoe Patterns: Visualizing Partisan Media Trust in Germany

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110287
Author(s):  
Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg ◽  
Paul C. Bauer
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Underlying Distribution ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Trust ◽  
Informed Citizenry ◽  
Alternative Sources ◽  
The Right

A trusted media is crucial for a politically informed citizenry, yet media trust has become fragile in many Western countries. An underexplored aspect is the link between media (dis)trust and populism. The authors visualize media trust across news outlets and partisanship in Germany, for both mainstream and “alternative” news sources. For each source, average trust is grouped by partisanship and sorted from left to right, allowing within-source comparisons. The authors find an intriguing horseshoe pattern for mainstream media sources, for which voters of both populist left-wing and right-wing parties express lower levels of trust. The underlying distribution of individual responses reveals that voters of the right-wing populist party are especially likely to “not at all” trust the mainstream outlets that otherwise enjoy high levels of trust. The media trust gap between populist and centrist voters disappears for alternative sources, for which trust is generally low.

scholarly journals Views of Aging During the Corona Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 592-592
Author(s):  
Jennifer Bellingtier ◽  
Anna Kornadt
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Longitudinal Change ◽  
Subjective Age ◽  
The Public ◽  
Coping Process ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Media ◽  
Perceptions Of Aging ◽  
Children’S Views

Abstract In the Covid-19 pandemic, media stories and government reports have emphasized the heightened risk of being “old” and placed a spotlight on the way we think and talk about older adults and aging. In this symposium we investigate how the pandemic and the public discourse about older adults has shaped views of aging in different countries. Bellingtier et al. report on German children’s views of older adults before and during the pandemic. Children placed greater distance between themselves and older adults both before and after the pandemic, suggesting early ageism in children that predates the pandemic. Levy et al. provide experimental evidence that media stereotypes about aging and Covid-19 influence the mental health of older American adults, both in positive and negative. Schwartz and Ayalon found that greater perceptions of age-based discrimination in the healthcare system by Israeli adults 50+ were significantly related to greater Covid-19 worries. Greater worry can motivate older adults to take precautions, but be detrimental if it becomes too high. In line with this finding, Tingvold et al. found in a study with older adults from Luxembourg that more Covid-19 worry predicted feeling older four months later, but only for those in worse health. Finally, Terracciano examined longitudinal change in subjective age and found that American adults reported feeling younger after the emergence of Covid-19 than before, suggesting that perceptions of aging partly reflect a coping process to counter the negativity in the media.

The Edmund Burke Society and Right-Wing Extremism in Late Twentieth-Century Canada

2021 ◽  
pp. e20200028
Author(s):  
Asa McKercher
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Late Twentieth Century ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Emerging in Toronto in the late 1960s, the Edmund Burke Society (ebs) became a leading far-right outlet. From picketing Model United Nations meetings and gatherings of left-wing groups to staging pro-Vietnam War protests and engaging in racially motivated vandalism, the ebs became a bellwether of what journalists and social scientists identified as a “virtual explosion” of Canadian right-wing extremism. The far right has a long history in Canada, and, in this regard, ebs members’ views reflected long-standing strains of extreme nationalism, racism, anti-statism, and anti-communism. However, the ebs and its successor organizations were very much concerned with issues that were current in late twentieth-century Canada: the expanding welfare state; changes in Canadian immigration policy; multiculturalism and a more civic-based nationalism; and the entrenchment of the rights revolution. Furthermore, the group’s activities were also a response to 1960s counterculture, a counter-counterculture in that it offered a radical challenge from the right, not only to the status quo but also to the New Left. While much of the history of Canada in the 1960s is focused on the left, the emergence of the ebs highlights the growth of activism at the other end of the political spectrum. Providing an important look at Canadian far-right extremism, this examination of the ebs serves as a reminder that the 1960s were not all Trudeaumania and flower power and that societal changes in the later decades of the century did not go uncontested.

scholarly journals Online influence, offline violence: language use on YouTube surrounding the ‘Unite the Right’ rally

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle van der Vegt ◽  
Maximilian Mozes ◽  
Paul Gill ◽  
Bennett Kleinberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Identity ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Language Use ◽  
Identity Performance ◽  
Social Movement Theory ◽  
Movement Theory ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right

AbstractThe media frequently describes the 2017 Charlottesville ‘Unite the Right’ rally as a turning point for the alt-right and white supremacist movements. Social movement theory suggests that the media attention and public discourse concerning the rally may have engendered changes in social identity performance and visibility of the alt-right, but this has yet to be empirically tested. The presence of the movement on YouTube is of particular interest, as this platform has been referred to as a breeding ground for the alt-right. The current study investigates whether there are differences in language use between 7142 alt-right and progressive YouTube channels, in addition to measuring possible changes as a result of the rally. To do so, we create structural topic models and measure bigram proportions in video transcripts, spanning approximately 2 months before and after the rally. We observe differences in topics between the two groups, with the ‘alternative influencers’, for example, discussing topics related to race and free speech to a larger extent than progressive channels. We also observe structural breakpoints in the use of bigrams at the time of the rally, suggesting there are changes in language use within the two groups as a result of the rally. While most changes relate to mentions of the rally itself, the alternative group also shows an increase in promotion of their YouTube channels. In light of social movement theory, we argue that language use on YouTube shows that the Charlottesville rally indeed triggered changes in social identity performance and visibility of the alt-right.

French Views on Thatcherism and Blairism*

2000 ◽  
Vol 73 (182) ◽  
pp. 296-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Leruez
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Media

Abstract The French like terms ending in ‘ism’, especially when they appear to represent a substantial ideological proposition or, at the very least, a definite change in the methods of governance. Thus, both Thatcherism and Blairism have held considerable interest for both the educated public and the media. If Thatcherism was generally condemned as reactionary, there was none the less a certain amount of admiration for Lady Thatcher's ‘conviction’. As for Blairism, while considered a betrayal of socialist ideals by the more traditional left wing, it is looked upon with some sympathy in centrist and even right-wing circles.

scholarly journals Is COVID-19 on the Covers of Socio-Political Magazines an Example of Media Polarisation? Case Study from Poland

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-53
Author(s):  
Anna Jupowicz-Ginalska
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Analysis ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Media Content ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Media Image ◽  
Ideological Bias ◽  
Religious Perspectives ◽  
The Media

AbstractThe main purpose of this paper was to explore the media image of the COVID-19 pandemic through the perspective of Polish media polarisation. In order to achieve this, a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the content of covers from 10 socio-political magazines, representing different ideological inclinations [left-wing, liberal, conservative, right-wing and Catholic] was conducted between January and June 2020. The study focused not only on the scale to which the coronavirus appeared on the covers, but also on the textual and visual representation of it. Additionally, the contexts in which COVID-19 appeared were analysed. As it turned out, apart from the medical context, the pandemic was mostly presented through political, social, economic and religious perspectives, of which the first was the most visibly connected with polarising media content, indicating clear links between the ideological bias of the magazines and the ways they described reality.

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