scholarly journals Mixed categories and argument transfer in Korean light verb constructions

Author(s):  
Incheol Choi ◽  
Stephen Wechsler

The Korean Light Verb Construction (LVC) contains a Sino-Korean main predicate (tayhwa-lul), a Light Verb (ha-ta), and semantic arguments of the main predicate (John-i, Tom-kwa):           John-i        Tom-kwa tayhwa-lul  ha-yess-ta.          John-Nom Tom-with talk-Acc     do-Pst-Dc                         'John talked with Tom.' We defend a three-part analysis:  (i) The subject of the main predicate is thematically controlled by the LV's subject.  Evidence: Korean verbs assigning Accusative take an external argument (Wechsler/Lee 1996; Burzio's Generalization).  Since the main predicate is Accusative, ha-ta must theta-mark its subject.  Moreover ha-ta selects a non-stative Verbal Noun (VN) (cp. *kyumson-ul ha-ta 'humble-Acc do-Dc'); non-stative theta-structures typically take an external argument (Kang 1986). This control arises through complex predicate formation.  (ii) Oblique arguments (PPs) are optionally transferred (cp. Grimshaw/Mester 1988) — but Accusative NPs are not.  Evidence comes from relativization and pronoun replacement.  (iii) Accusative is assigned by a mixed category Verbal Noun.  This can be supported by adverbial clauses with VN's assigning Accusative without LV's.  We review cross-linguistic evidence for both argument transfer (German; Hinrichs & Nakazawa; i.a.) and mixed categories (many languages, Malouf; i.a.) and show that Korean LVCs provide the right environment for both to occur.

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Babak Sharif ◽  
Mohammad Amouzadeh

<p>Persian Light Verb Constructions (LVCs) have been studied by many scholars. Yet, little attention has been paid to the process of LVC formation. This paper aims to situate the components of Persian light verb constructions in contexts that can be justifiably invoked as a motivation for LVC formation. We will investigate the issue by arguing that Persian LVCs can be analyzed in terms of incorporation process. This process, explained from a cognitive viewpoint, involves LVCs originating from complete clauses, then passing through a <em>compositional path</em> (Langacker 1987, 2008) where a nonverbal and a verbal element are selected out of a kernel clause and end up in a complex predicate (CPr). The investigation will be primarily focused on the LVCs constructed with<em> </em>LV<em> kardan </em>‘do, make’, as the most frequently used light verb in Persian. The paper will also explore how different paths could be associated with certain particular ‘light’ meanings of<em> kardan. </em>The resulting LVCs may further yield <em>constructional schemas</em> upon which other LVCs formed with a given LV can be formed.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Light verb construction, Complex predicate, Incorporation, Persian</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-163
Author(s):  
Maria Bloch-Trojnar

Abstract Deverbal nominals in Irish support Grimshaw’s (1990) tripartite division into complex event (CE-), simple event (SE-) and result nominals (R-nominals). Irish nominals are ambiguous only between the SE- and R-status. There are no CE-nominals containing the AspP layer in their structure. SE-nominals (also found in Light Verb Constructions) are number-neutral and incapable of pluralizing and are represented as [nP[vP[Root]]]. R-nominals are devoid of the vP layer and behave like ordinary nouns. The Irish data point to v as the layer introducing event implications and the vP or PPs as the functional heads introducing the internal argument (Alexiadou and Schäfer 2011). Event denoting nominals in Irish can license the internal argument but aspectual modification and external argument licensing are not possible (cf. synthetic compounds in Greek (Alexiadou 2017)), which means that, counter to Borer (2013), the licensing of Argument Structure need not follow from the presence of the AspP layer.


1998 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATE KEARNS

The sequence make the claim that S has certain syntactic properties which indicate the presence of some sort of complex predicate, previously suggested to be a Light Verb Construction (LVC) or a reanalysis of N and V to a complex V. I consider and reject both these proposals, and propose an alternative structure which is still a type of complex predicate. Adopting the Locality framework of Manzini (1992, 1994), I show that a syntactic account of extractions from make the claim follows straightforwardly. I also show that extraction from make the claim is distinct from extraction from indefinites.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Maria Bloch-Trojnar ◽  

The paper focuses on the semantics of Light Verb Constructions (LVCs) in Modern Irish. Structures made up of a light verb (déan ‘do’, tabhair ‘give’, faigh ‘get’, bain ‘take, extract’) and a verbal noun (VN) complement are investigated. LVCs are argued to have a telicising effect which results from the interaction of the aktionsart of the VN complement and syntax. Particular light verbs show systematic behavior in their ability to combine with VNs derived from certain semantic verb classes (verbs of movement, emission of sound, social interaction etc.) in order to present the situation from different angles by giving prominence to certain participants (Agent, Patient, Experiencer). The choice of a specific light verb may also lead to a subtle semantic modification such as volitionality.


2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
EVA BERLAGE

Brinton & Traugott (2005) and Brinton (2008) have suggested that light verb constructions of the type take a look (at) are instances of grammaticalisation. This article shows that this is because the emphasis has been on the verb take. Exploring the light verb construction take prisoner, we see that one and the same construction involves both lexicalisation and grammaticalisation processes. For grammaticalisation, the focus will be on the semantic bleaching of take and the productivity of the pattern take + NP. For the lexicalisation of the construction, we will focus on the increasing fixedness of the collocation take prisoner, evident from the decreasing acceptability of the pattern make prisoner, and on the decategorialisation of the original NP prisoner, which is manifested in the loss of plural -s inflection in prisoner. The article further investigates the decategorialisation of prisoner, revealing that the word order of prisoner(s) relative to its complement NP (e.g. take the men prisoner(s) vs take prisoner(s) the men) has a considerable effect on the speed of plural s-deletion.


2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Kamber

In grammars and textbooks used to teach German as a foreign language, the chapters devoted to the "Funktionsverbgefüge" (light verb constructions) are based on data that are mainly obtained by introspection. German dictionaries also often seem not to be based on empirical data. Through the example of kommen (to come), the present paper aims at showing a few new and decisive elements that empirical, strictly corpus-driven research, by means of the new digital corpora, makes it possible to highlight. The purpose is to achieve a description that is more precise and more faithful to the target language in foreign languages teaching. Keywords: Light verb construction - light verb - corpus linguistics - empirical research - digital corpora - COSMAS II - prototype semantics - syntax - valence - complementation - lexicology - grammar


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Sook Beng Ong ◽  
Hajar Abdul Rahim

Abstract This study investigated nativised structural patterns of light verb constructions (LVCs) in Malaysian English using a corpus-based, descriptive approach to analyse grammatical innovations. To facilitate the analysis, a 100-million-word general corpus comprising threads from Lowyat.Net, a popular Internet forum in Malaysia, was created, and the British National Corpus (BNC) was used as the reference corpus. Using the Sketch Engine corpus tool, the three most frequently occurring make LVCs in the Malaysian English corpus were identified. The data was analysed to reveal the differences between the structures of make LVC in Malaysian English and its prototypical structure. The findings show that besides the non-isomorphic deverbal noun form, make LVCs in Malaysian English prefer taking the basic constituents of an LVC. Nativised LVCs are essentially those with zero articles and isomorphic deverbal nouns taking definite articles, determiners, and descriptive adjectives in their modifier slots. The zero article LVC is the most common nativised structure pattern due to the influence of substrate languages in Malaysian English.


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