The Security Demographic: Population and Civil Conflict After the Cold War

Author(s):  
Richard P. Cincotta ◽  
Robert Engelman ◽  
Daniele Anastasion
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hazel McFerson

Abstract:Twenty years ago, most African countries seemed permanently mired in malgovernance and repression. The end of the Cold War triggered two contrasting developments: governance improvement associated with the end of superpower competition, and deterioration caused by the resurgence of suppressed ethnic conflicts. Based on a variety of evidence, three subperiods can be identified: fragile governance progress from 1989 to 1995; backsliding associated largely with civil conflict between 1996 and 2002; and resumption of progress in recent years. These broad trends mask major intercountry differences—with Ghana the best-known case of improvement and Zimbabwe the worst case of reversal. Overall, African governance is now somewhat better than it was two decades ago. However, the progress is fragile, and improvements in administrative and economic governance have lagged behind those on the political front. Consolidating democracy will thus require institutional capacity building through a combination of appropriate civil society efforts and constructive external pressure to strengthen accountability.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Levin ◽  
Dan Miodownik

AbstractThere is today a well-established consensus that belligerents must be disarmed in order to reconstruct shattered states and establish a robust and durable peace in the wake of internal armed conflict. Indeed, nearly every UN peacekeeping intervention since the end of the Cold War has included disarmament provisions in its mandate. Disarmament is guided by the arrestingly simple premise that weapons cause conflict and, therefore, must be eradicated for a civil conflict to end. If the means by which combatants fight are eliminated, it is thought, actors will have little choice but to commit to peace. Disarmament is, therefore, considered a necessary condition for establishing the lasting conditions for peace. To date, however, no systematic quantitative analysis has been undertaken of the practice of disarmament and the causal mechanisms remain underspecified. This paper is a preliminary attempt to fill that gap. In it we outline a series of hypotheses with which to run future statistical analyses on the effects of disarmament programs. The success of negotiations and the durability of peace are, perhaps, the single most salient issues concerning those engaged in conflict termination efforts. We therefore focus the bulk of this paper on a review of the supposed effects of disarmament on negotiating outcomes and war recurrence.


Milli mála ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-61
Author(s):  
Irma Erlingsdóttir

The article explores Hélène Cixous’s 1985 play The Terrible Unfinished Story of Norodom Sihanouk, King of Cambodia (L´Histoire terrible mais inachevée de Norodom Sihanouk roi du Cambodge) by focusing on Cixous’s portrayal of Sihanouk and her interpretation of Cambodia’s history with references to the country’s civil conflict, the Cold War, and the Vietnam War. The article seeks to historicize the play by placing it within the context of contemporary political works on Cambodian history. As embedded in the play’s metanarrative and its contemporary metaphor of human suffering, special attention is paid to Cambodia’s power struggles, both internationally and within its own borders. The emphasis is on the tension between Cixous’s portrayal of Sihanouk as the paternal protector of Cambodia’s “eternal cultural heritage” and his political compromises with internal (the Khmer Rouge) and external (the United States, China, North Vietnam) actors. From a broader perspective, an additional focus is on the conflict between traditionalism and modernization, imperialism and resistance, and territoriality and exile.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOSEPH WRIGHT

This article examines the way in which the initial level of political competition in a new democracy affects the stability of that regime. The author argues that new democracies with low levels of initial political competition are more likely to fail because those initially excluded from the democratic game seek to subvert the regime in the future. Using data from ninety-two new democracies born since 1946, he finds that a higher level of initial political competition in a new democracy makes for a more durable democracy. New democracies at war and born during the Cold War are less likely to survive. Finally, he finds evidence that new democracies with low levels of initial political competition are also more likely to meet with civil conflict.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALAN GREEN

AbstractAfrica has seen a steady rise in democracy since the end of the Cold War. This paper investigates two possible implications of democratization in African countries: better economic growth through improved institutions and less civil conflict through increased political participation. Instrumental variables regressions are estimated with the spatial lag of democracy. This instrument varies over time, allowing for consideration of country fixed effects in IV regressions. Large positive impacts of institutions on economic growth and of political participation on reducing civil conflict are found in IV regressions with fixed effects. Further estimates show that both growth and civil violence effects may be driven by civil liberties.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document