Turkey's International Affairs: Shaping the U.S.-Turkey Strategic Partnership

Author(s):  
Sean Kay ◽  
Judith Yaphe
China Report ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruan Zongze ◽  
Debasish Chaudhuri

The trend of Bush's policy and its impact in international affairs is worth noting during the second presidential term of George Bush. The US, besides persisting in pushing forward its ‘democratisation plan in the greater Middle East’, has been intensifying its attempt to penetrate into Central Asia. For some time now, the main focus of US foreign policy has been Iraq, the Gulf and the Middle East, but it has given equal importance to containing the so-called ‘North Korean nuclear weapon’ and to the ‘Iranian nuclear issue’. There were new developments in China-Russia-India tripartite relations. China and India agreed to establish a strategic partnership, greatly promoting bilateral relations between them. The developmental process in these countries, Russia-China and India, has provided ample scope for strengthening trilateral cooperation among them.


1991 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 233-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Thompson

In a recent report by Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School of International Affairs, “Education in U.S. Schools of International Affairs,” Princeton's former president Robert F. Goheen presents several crucial factors in the apparent decline of international studies in the U.S. The private sector, which at first demanded broadly-educated professionals, have recently shown little enthusiasm for students of international affairs. This has resulted in lack of funding and lack of interest in the field of international studies. This is paradoxical primarily because the students of international affairs undergo a multidiscplinary curriculum, facilitating their adaptation to practically any field of work following graduation, contrary to those students who have chosen a strict and narrow profession. Unfortunately, much of the fault, according to the report lies with the universities and the graduates themselves, who fail to articulate properly their comparative essential advantage in the broad field of their education. Thompson expounds on a more serious ramification of the decline in interest in international studies: the imminent failure to foresee future international crises. As the case of Iraq's growing power in the Middle East has demonstrated, the U.S. looked the other way, toward the developments in the former Soviet Union, and was not able to act in time to circumvent Iraq's aggression. With the world looking to the U.S. for strategic leadership in ethics and power, Americans cannot afford to deny American youth a strong foundation and education in international studies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Snyder

By the early 1950s, Western rearmament had emerged as a central U.S. foreign policy goal. However, many West European governments were reluctant to bear the costs of rearmament at a time when economic reconstruction and social welfare were still urgently needed. Perhaps nowhere was this resistance as entrenched as in the Netherlands, where concern over defense expenditure was most pronounced among Dutch housewives, a traditionally prominent part of Dutch society. For U.S. diplomats in The Hague, the Dutch housewife therefore became the greatest obstacle they needed to overcome in generating Dutch support for rearmament. When U.S. officials encouraged Dutch women to take a more prominent stand on international affairs, these efforts posed a challenge to local cultural conventions. Yet with few usable cultural tropes on which to draw amid continued economic austerity, the U.S. effort to reach Dutch women fell short. An analysis of this failed effort underscores the limits of U.S. cultural influence in other Western societies during the early Cold War.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Baum

Ever since Richard Nixon's 1972 “opening” to China, U.S. presidential election campaigns have been the occasion for the opposition party to strongly challenge the incumbent president's policy of engagement toward China. Once in power, however, successful challengers (Carter, Reagan, Clinton) have softened their criticism and accepted the strategic necessity of cooperation with China. In the first stage of this cycle, the 2000 election appeared to be no exception, as presidential challenger George W. Bush sharply criticized Bill Clinton's notion of a “strategic partnership” with the PRC and proposed instead that the U.S. and China were “strategic competitors.” This paper examines the first six months of the Bush presidency to see if the historic pattern of post-election reversion to the status-quo ante is repeating itself in the Bush Administration. Looking, inter alia, at the individual preferences of key administration policymakers, the administration's enhanced arms sale package to Taiwan, the president's pledge to do “whatever it took” to defend Taiwan, and the mid-summer visit of Secretary of State Colin Powell to Beijing, the paper documents the existence of a sharp division between “soft” realists and “hard” realists within the Bush Administration; and it concludes that while there has been a perceptible shift toward a more adversarial outlook, it is too soon to tell whether this shift will be partly offset by the normal first-term “regression to the mean.”


2019 ◽  
pp. 117-143
Author(s):  
S. Tolstov

After Donald Trump was elected as the American president, significant changes were observed in the Ukrainian-American relations. These especially included the lifting of embargo on lethal arms supply and the resumption of meetings of the Ukraine-US Strategic Partnership Commission. Contrary to D. Trump’s desire to conclude a U.S. - Russia “Big Deal”, Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. Congress held a bipartisan position on Ukraine supporting the expansion of sanctions on various occasions – from the on-going conflict in Donbas and Russian attempts to influence the 2016 election campaign to imposing obstacles for the supply of Russian weapons to the third countries. Assessments of American academic and political experts do not give reason to believe that the U.S. political circles are ready to move from remote support of Ukraine in the mood of long-term deterrence doctrine to intensive forms of military and military-political participation. Acknowledging Russia’s rejection of the post-Cold War Euro-Atlantic security order, American observers are inclined to suppose that the conflict in Donbas is unlikely to be finally settled. In case of its freezing, this conflict will pose potential or acute threats to the economy and security of Ukraine. Within such a trend Ukraine will play the role of one of the major subjects of long-term tensions and discord in economic and military relations between Russia and the West. 


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Katherine A. Brown

This chapter acquaints the reader with the impact of the U.S. and Western news media in Afghanistan by telling the story of how President Hamid Karzai banished New York Times reporter Matthew Rosenberg in August 2014, during the final weeks of his presidency. The chapter uses this story to illustrate the perceived hegemony that U.S. news has in international affairs by foreign actors. A country’s news media create and maintain a nation, employing common symbols and language and constructing narratives that resonate with the country’s citizens. Journalists intend to be observers of international politics, but unintentionally they are its participants. The chapter explains how news and nationalism intersect with international politics and introduces the reader to the groundbreaking yet nascent community of Afghan journalists who saw American and other Western journalists as their professional guides.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Flanagan ◽  
F. Larrabee ◽  
Anika Binnendijk ◽  
Katherine Costello ◽  
Shira Efron ◽  
...  

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph D. Coffey

From the early 1600s, when tobacco exports literally saved the struggling Jamestown settlement, to the January 4, 1980, embargo of grain to the Soviet Union, food and agriculture have played varied roles in international affairs of the U.S., that is, in the political, military, economic, and cultural exchanges that affect the power of the U.S. relative to other sovereign nations. Food donations have been used as a humanitarian gesture to avert starvation. Food export embargoes have been used as weapons against foreign adversaries and domestic scarcities. Food pledges have been used to promote international food aid conventions. Food import quotas have been reallocated to reward friendly nations and penalize unfriendly ones. U.S. food shipments have been used to feed Allied soldiers and to barter for strategic materials. Food exports have been used to bolster the domestic economy and strengthen the dollar.


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