The Role of the Intelligence Community in Preparing to Win the Information War.

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
William W. McCollum
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-51
Author(s):  
Sabrina Magris

The paper addresses the importance of the role of women in Intelligence and National Security with the specific purpose to highlight the quality of female contribution in all different domains. The world is changing and in this change, Intelligence risks being left behind as never before. An epic evolution and change are underway that will upset ways of being and ways of thinking. All this not suddenly and all this without realizing it if not after the fact. The world is changing, women “are gain the upper hand” taking over also numerically and it is not realized that a change must happen in the field of Intelligence with a space left to women, not because they are women but because of their abilities. In all domains, from strategic to an operational one. Blindness to change that many Agencies are having. And those who are making changes often do so because they are obliged by the rules but not by evaluating the concrete capability of individuals. Two factors risk being explosive if no action is taken. The paper highlights the physiological and psychological contribution of the female component in the National Security and Intelligence work, and why diversity is scientifically important to successfully conduct operational and strategic tasks. It also describes the existing lack of models, how to enlarge the interest of young girls to join the Intelligence Community, and a look into the near future regarding the training and the recruitment processes with specific regards to women.


Author(s):  
Peddie Jonathan

The previous two chapters looked at the notion that the management of proceeds of crime and counter-terrorism have ceased to be independent legislative endeavours for governments, and increasingly form an inter-dependent set of measures together with other, international initiatives including the various international sanctions regimes. This chapter, and the ones that follow, look at the identification of illegal conduct, restraint, recovery of proceeds and close scrutiny and prosecution of perpetrators, and intelligence-led management of the threat to the UK’s economic and national security interests. On the one hand, terrorism amounts to criminal conduct to which the provisions of POCA 2002 apply as they do to the proceeds of any criminality, and there is clear interplay between the relevant regimes. Yet, on the other hand, the legislation considered in this chapter creates specific powers concerning those involved in terrorist acts, those who promote and facilitate it and the methods through which such individuals may be starved of financial means. The chapter looks at the Terrorism Act 2000; the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001; and the Terrorism Asset Freezing etc Act 2010. It then considers the role of the wider UK enforcement and intelligence community. Finally, it takes a look at the Serious Crime Act 2007.


Author(s):  
Daniel W. B. Lomas

Chapter Two looks at Ministerial use of, and attitude towards, intelligence after Labour’s 1945 Election victory, drawing on the papers of the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC). While it has been argued that Attlee, a committed internationalist, was opposed to any hostility towards the Soviet Union, the chapter shows that he was kept fully aware of Soviet interests and intentions despite his commitment to renewed Anglo-Soviet relations. In addition to highlighting the role of intelligence in early Cold War crises, particularly the Berlin Blockade, it also looks at Ministerial doubts about the intelligence community, particularly those of Attlee himself. By 1949, he had grown increasingly critical of the intelligence services and, a year later, ordered a review of the intelligence community by the Cabinet Secretary, Sir Norman Brook, which is explored here for the first time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-541 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Lawrence

How has commercial remote sensing influenced the framing of public narratives about nuclear programs and weapons of mass destruction? This article examines an early and formative case: In 2002, a Washington-based nongovernmental organization used commercial satellite images to publicly identify the Natanz nuclear facility in Iran. The episode helped inaugurate the ‘Iran nuclear crisis’ as we have known it since. But it also played a role in fomenting a commercial market for remote sensing, adjusting the role of ‘citizen scientist’ in the nuclear arms-control community, visualizing a new television journalism beat of ‘covering the intelligence community’, legitimizing a transforming role of nuclear safeguards inspectors at the International Atomic Energy Agency, and solidifying Iran’s nuclear program as ‘clandestine’. This article follows the images as they pass through these social worlds and examines how heterogenous actors incorporated remote sensing into their identities and commitments to global transparency.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2s) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Green

<div><p>Qualitative research in the social sciences typically requires a personal engagement with resource persons. The widely used participant-observation method requires that the researcher assume as far as possible the role of community member. Even when participant observation is not the chosen method, group members assign identities to investigators. Role assignment in martial contexts may range from the “intruder” who disrupts ongoing events (e.g., outsiders may not see “secret techniques”) to one who is allowed insider access, usually after having gone through some test or rite of passage. Data collected in “natural context” is ideal. The primary problem here is that act of observation inevitably changes phenomena under examination. The most effective means of gathering information in a natural context is by engaging in what is known in the Intelligence community as “deep cover” actually joining a community for the purpose of secretly gathering information. This, of course, brings with it serious ethical dilemmas. While it is clear that we must all address the issue of transparency vs. efficiency, most decisions actually are made on a case by case basis. I suggest that it may be time to develop a general set of guidelines to help us keep faith with informants and accomplish our academic goals of accurately depicting the martial cultures with which we engage.</p></div>


Author(s):  
Christian Leuprecht

Canada contrasts distinctly with the prominence of intelligence oversight in the United States, insofar as Canada stands out for a predominately ex post facto approach to reviewing intelligence. Recent changes, however, bolstered the role of oversight in Canada’s accountability system. Previously, only three of 16 agencies that make up Canada’s intelligence and security community were reviewed by independent expert review bodies. Critics, however, argued that review should be more encompassing, lamented constraints by the Canadian intelligence accountability system that made it difficult for review bodies to cooperate and the negligible role of Parliament in holding ISAs accountable. Recent legislation created a security-cleared committee of parliamentarians to review Canada’s security and intelligence community, an agency to review activity related to national security and intelligence as well as an independent commissioner to oversee certain ministerial intelligence authorizations. The chapter reviews member organizations of the Canada’s intelligence community, the strategic environment that has informed intelligence and accountability in Canada; national security threats to Canada; as well as internal and external dynamics that culminated in changes to Canada’s intelligence accountability architecture: the Civilian Review and Complains Commission of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, the National Security and Intelligence Review Agency, and the Intelligence Commissioner. The prospect of the NSICOP, NSIRA, and the IC strengthening compliance and general operations of Canada’s intelligence and security community will be realized by how each fulfils its broad mandate in practice and the degree of cooperation among NSIRA, NSICOP, and CRCC.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-45
Author(s):  
Rahmat Rahmat ◽  
Prayoga Bestari ◽  
Encep Syarief Nurdin ◽  
Sri Wahyuni Tanshzil

This study illustrates the synergy between the Forum for Religious Harmony (FKUB) with the National Unity and Politics (Kesbangpol) in dealing with the radical terrorism movement in Tasikmalaya Regency. Some efforts to handle religious conflicts that lead to radicalism movement include mapping conflict-prone areas, the formation of the Regional Intelligence Community (Kominda) and the Integrated Team for Handling Social Conflicts by the National Unity and Politics and the establishment of the Rukun Living Movement Task Force (SGHR) at the sub-district level by FKUB as a collaborative strategy step handling religious conflicts in Tasikmalaya Regency. The purpose of this study is to determine the role of FKUB as well as the synergy established between local governments, terrorism management institutions and the community in efforts to tackle radical terrorism. The method used in this study is a qualitative approach that emphasizes data collection through interviews, observations, documentation and focused discussions (Focus Group Discussion).


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