An Analysis of the Unit Race Relations Training Program in the U.S. Army.

Author(s):  
Robert L. Hiett ◽  
Peter G. Nordlie
Author(s):  
Alisha Gaines

The fourth chapter takes on the televisual rescripting of Sprigle, Griffin, and Halsell with a reading of the FX cable series, Black.White., a 2006 reality television show where two middle class families—one black and one white—“switched” races to experience racial difference. This chapter attends to how Black.White. moves the genealogy of empathetic racial impersonation from the theatrical stage, newspaper, trade books, and film to the visual logics of television. This shift reveals an investment in empathetic racial impersonation at a moment dominated by the changing discourses about race and race relations in the 21st century. Importantly, this chapter expands discussions of racial experimentation beyond the U.S. South. Set in Los Angeles, this “reality” show spuriously reinscribes the black/white binary even though Los Angeles has long been recognized as a multiracial city. By focusing on the fraught relationship between the two families, this chapter contends that Black.White. dramatically exposes the limits of empathetic racial experimentation as a tool of racial reconciliation. Ultimately, it evidences an empathetic failure in the cross-racial promise supposedly demonstrated by this seemingly new, but ultimately decades old, impersonation experiment. It also considers the histories and politics of whiteface.


Author(s):  
Jasmine Marin

The certificate in healthcare interpreting (CHI) is a medical signed language interpreter training program in the U.S. This qualitative study consisted of focus groups to examine the effect of CHI on graduates' views of their role, responsibilities, and decision latitude. Analysis suggests that CHI may be shifting practitioners from a restrictive conduit model (taking no action when faced with a decision) to a values-based approach. Also outlined are features of the program that contribute to this shift.


Author(s):  
Margaret Solomon

This article is about School-Based Initial Teacher Training (SBITT) programs practiced in the USA and the UK. The article briefly discusses how US teacher-training programs began in 1839, as Normal School in New England. They then later became university based traditional teacher-training programs across the country. Then it shows how a gradual change in teacher training came into the U.S. in the 1980s with the introduction of school-based teacher training as an alternative route. Although most teachers in the U.S are still trained in colleges and universities, the paper shows that many states still pursue alternative routes to teacher credentialing and focus on school-based training The next part is a brief narration of the history of school-based teacher training in the UK, which began in the early 19th century. In the later part of 1800s, teacher training was favored at universities in the UK and more colleges were opened to facilitate training teachers at higher education institutions (HEI). In the late 1900s, there was an emergence of School-Based Initial Teacher Training (SBITT) programs developed as a result of a shortage of trained teachers. Finally, a variety of different SBITT programs became the most prominent method of initial teacher training. In 2017–2018, 53% of teachers favored a school-based teacher training program, while 47% preferred a university-based teacher training program


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 646a-646a
Author(s):  
Shawn Malley

Through an analysis of Foreign Office (FO) memoranda dealing with the “recovery” of Assyrian artifacts, I argue that archaeology served important diplomatic and propagandistic functions in the eastern Ottoman Empire in the years leading up to the Crimean War. Dovetailing excavation with imperial issues of defending national honor, securing commercial markets, deploying troops, and even spying, these documents represent an underground genealogy for Austen Henry Layard, the key British agent in the FO's secret plot to transport archaeological trophies to London. This evidence implicitly challenges the romantic narrative of discovery and the paternalistic ideology of Western stewardship so firmly embedded in narrative histories of British Assyriology. Comparing the Victorian experience with a contemporary instance of archaeological propaganda—the playing cards issued by the U.S. Department of Defense to troops stationed in Iraq as part of a 2007 training program in archaeological stewardship—this essay contends that archaeology continues to rationalize Western imperialism in Mesopotamia.


Author(s):  
Andrew McNeill Canady

Willis Duke Weatherford lived from 1875 to 1970 and played a key role in many of the significant social and political issues of his day, namely, race relations, education, religion, and Appalachian reform. Weatherford was driven to do so because of his Christian beliefs, particularly a philosophy known as personalism. Beginning in 1908, Weatherford became a pioneer in interracial work in the U.S. South, staying active in this field until the end of his life. From 1900 to 1945 Weatherford was also one of the central figures in the YMCA, a time when this institution wielded strong influence on communities and college campuses in this region and across the country. In the last twenty-five years of his life he addressed primarily Appalachian poverty and that region’s religious life. Living until 1970, Weatherford was able to see the demise of segregation. For the greater part of his life, however, he never challenged the Jim Crow structure, nor did he seriously question the capitalist economy that contributed to the poverty of African Americans and of Appalachia. In general, he steered clear of politics, concentrating his efforts on the power of education to change the perceptions of people and bring gradual social improvement. Weatherford’s reform activities were limited by his southern background, the financial constraints he faced as director of several institutions, the climate of white supremacy in the South, and his religious focus. These limitations were also shared by many other white southern progressives of his era.


1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Cantor

The purpose of this article is to describe the Training Effectiveness Algorithm. The Training Effectiveness Algorithm is to provide a systematic procedure for identifying the cause of a reported training problem in a training system or program within an ongoing organization. This Algorithm was developed for use in the U.S. Navy's submarine program. As a two step procedure it uses job incumbents and available resources to analyze and identify problems within the training program. Its usefulness for assisting in programs outside of the Navy becomes apparent.


1989 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-498
Author(s):  
Lewis M. Killian

While teaching race relations at Florida State University, the author was asked by Florida Attorney General Richard Ervin to direct a sociological study for a brief to be submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court in response to its ruling on Brown versus the Board of Education. The author confronted political realities influencing the research design and use of the findings. He also heard criticism of the brief and his role in it from liberals and segregationists alike. The author was further disillusioned by the response to the court's decision that desegregation should occur “with all deliberate speed,” especially when Ervin compromised his position to win re-election, and when a follow-up study was conducted in the same way as the initial one. In reflecting on his experience, the author expresses concern that, despite his principles and intentions, his efforts may have actually delayed desegregation.


1998 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-347
Author(s):  
Cliff Brown

Recently, scholars have devoted significant attention to race relations in the history of the U.S. labor movement. This research has explored the militancy of African American workers, examined how racism divided particular organizing drives, and documented white workers’ efforts to preserve racial privilege. Much of this work has also emphasized workers’ agency but has obscured the racial implications of labor market characteristics (for exceptions see Maloney 1995; Sugrue 1996). This article argues that racial conflict during the 1919 steel organizing drive resulted from the development of split labor markets, which constrained workers’ opportunities to exercise agency based on class position but encouraged workers to exercise agency in terms of their racial interests. In 1919, the sources of workers’ empowerment diverged along racial lines.


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