scholarly journals Cultural Ethos Constructed in Press Titles and Their Translation

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Maria Antoniou

The present study explores, from a contrastive point of view, the conditions that rule the political discourse in terms of linguistic politeness. By contrasting the data (examples drawn from press titles, mainly the French journal Le Monde Diplomatique and its’ translations into Greek), we will be able to discover the underlying operations and constraints that regulate the use of such markers and to reach conclusions about the existence or not of symmetrical uses of our two languages. The theoretical framework followed is that of Brown and Levinson and the one of the Theory of Enunciation. In the case of press titles translation, despite the possibility of using symmetrical structures in source text as well as in target text, different structures are mostly preferred. This discrepancy leads to hypothesis about different linguistic attitudes of each linguistic community reflected explicitly by the use of different syntactic/lexical markers. It is this awareness that enabled Brown and Levinson (1987: 248) to consider cross-cultural variation and recognise that some societies may be oriented towards one or the other type of politeness (i.e. negative or positive)», formulating the so called cultural ethos of each linguistic community.

2016 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Jerzy Łazor ◽  
Wojciech Morawski

The political discourse in Poland in the final years before the fall of communism in 1989, was based on a strong opposition between the authorities and the rest of society. Even then, however, support for the opposition was not unanimous, and it was even less so in previous years. Most Poles considered the communist system forced, exogenous, oppressive, unacceptable, and supported by the Soviet threat. Still, individual reactions were varied: there were different paths to be taken through communism. The authors of the paper discuss how these paths contributed to differing recollections of the period. They focus on the collective memory of political parties and politicians, particularly on the controversial question of collaborating with the communist regime and the rights to veteran status among the former opposition members. It is a story of two types of memory: the one stressing reconciliation and the other pushing the distinction between former regime representatives and democratic opposition members


2019 ◽  
pp. 229-263
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard

This chapter examines Byron’s poetry in relation to his continuing attachment to an oppositional ‘party’ role, on the one hand, and his cultivated detachment from English politics, on the other. Byron wrote The Vision of Judgment, his 1821 riposte to Robert Southey’s Tory celebration of the reign of George III, from what he described as a ‘Whig point of view’. Rather than aligning with the ‘devil’s party’ of a Satanic opposition or cultivating a checked-out, bemused, indifferent stance, that poem—in common with Byron’s late satirical poetry more widely—established a stance at once of crisp detachment and incipient political critique (one that, in consigning the political world left undone by George III to oblivion, looked back to preceding decades of oppositional dynamism). Byron thereby provides a test-case for this book’s wider arguments about the relationships between literature and politics—and more specifically between partisanship and disaffection—bringing into focus the contours of a combative, snarling ‘cynicism’ and ways of seeing beyond politics altogether.


2021 ◽  
pp. 016224392110085
Author(s):  
Manuel Carabantes

The 2020 coronavirus pandemic is a phenomenon of great interest from the point of view of philosophy of technique. In this paper, we propose an interpretation of its causes and its current and foreseeable effects through a dual theoretical framework. On the one hand, we will use Edward Tenner’s concept of the revenge effect, which refers to the phenomenon by which a technique produces unexpected consequences that cancel its objective. In this case, modern mobility techniques, by spreading the disease on a global scale, have produced the opposite effect, that is, the mobility limitations of lockdowns. On the other hand, we will embrace Jacques Ellul’s philosophy of technique, which shows how many problems produced by modern technique, such as the current pandemic, have an ultimate tendency toward the establishment of a centralized and authoritarian organization of humanity not compatible with the fundamental rights of liberal democracies. The conclusion drawn from these elements will be that the way the pandemic has been tackled supports Ellul’s prediction about the establishment of such an organization.


Aschkenas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-195
Author(s):  
Andreas Kilcher

Abstract Zionism is rooted in the programme for overcoming the Diaspora. The descriptions of this programme go hand in hand with an in-depth »diagnosis« of the sufferings of the Diaspora as a symptom of the ongoing animosity towards Jews and their persecution even, and particularly, in the age of emancipation. This cultural, social and political diagnosis was described in Zionism - and it is no coincidence that this happened mostly through physicians - as the medical and psychiatric pathologization of the »Jewish people’s body«. In this process of naturalization and scientification paradigms and methods of the contemporary humanities and social sciences were applied, including concepts as controversial as that of the »Jewish race«. The present analysis examines this medical account from two complementary perspectives: the medical verbalization of the political discourse of Zionism on the one hand (Leon Pinsker, Max Nordau, etc.), and the politicization of medicine on the other (Arthur Kahn, Felix Theilhaber, etc.).


2007 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Risto Heiskala

English The great transformation to modernity made the economy the major organizing factor of the social synthesis, thus bringing forth the issue of the economy/society relationship as the central problem of modern social theory. This article deals with two broad approaches to this problem: Parsons's and Habermas's variants of structural-functionalism, on the one hand, and various currents of (neo)institutionalism, on the other. An attempt to synthesize the benefits of these conflicting approaches is made from the point of view of semiotic institutionalism. What emerges is a general theoretical framework, which is better equipped than the original structural-functionalist and institutionalist conceptions for the analysis of the economy/society relationship. French Les grandes transformations vers la modernité ont fait de l'économie le principal facteur organisateur de la synthèse sociale, portant sur le devant de la scène la question de la relation économie/société en tant que question centrale de la théorie sociale moderne. L'article s'intéresse à deux grandes approches de cette question: les variantes structuro-fonctionnalistes de Parsons et Habermas d'une part, et divers courants du (néo)institutionnalisme de l'autre. L'auteur s'efforce de faire la synthèse des points forts de ces deux approches conflictuelles du point de vue de l'institutionnalisme sémiotique. Il en émerge un cadre théorique général plus adapté que les conceptions structurofonctionnalistes et institutionnalistes à l'analyse de la relation économie/société.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-109
Author(s):  
LAUREN KAPLOW

Abstract The sources are clear in associating Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius and M. Manlius Capitolinus with Late Republican popularis programmes, both in the men's actions (agrarian laws, grain distributions, redemption of debts) and in the language used to describe them. Not only were the adfectatores regni (anachronistically) identified as popularis, but they were also conceived of as part of a continuous political tradition, which went down to Clodius and the Gracchi. The content of these stories can illuminate Late Republican ideas about popularis politicians and ideology, especially the tension between the actions of the men and their stated intentions on the one hand, and the perception of tyrannical behaviour on the other. The association of these figures with later populares allows us to use their examples to more fully describe the Late Republican view of what popularitas meant and how it related to attempts at, or accusations of attempts at, tyranny.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Sophie Yvert-Hamon

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategies of designation in the political discourse of Huguenots on the one hand, and Ultra-Catholics on the other hand, during the period preceding and following the conversion of Henry IV (1593). Using Discourse Analysis as a theoretical and methodological framework, this study focuses on how the different actors (parties, the King) are presented in these discourses. The corpus is composed of two texts, both published in 1593. The first one is by the Duke of Mayenne, leader of the Catholic League, and aims to reunify all Catholics within the kingdom in order to annihilate Protestantism. It is written before the conversion of Henry IV to Catholicism and expresses the frustration of Ultra-Catholics at having a protestant king. The second text is by Philippe Duplessis-Mornay on behalf of the Huguenots’ political assemblies. It is a letter addressed to King Henry IV just after his conversion to Catholicism in 1593. This letter expresses the frustration of Huguenots as their protector converted to Catholicism. Analyzing the use of referential expressions according to the constructivist conception of the reference developed by Apothéloz and Reichler-Béguelin (1995), this study considers the referents as discourse-objects and the talking subject as acting on these objects. The study is qualitative and examines the different functions (argumentative, social, polyphonic) of the categorizations and recategorizations in order to underscore the discursive strategies of the authors. This paper argues that there are similarities in the way the different actors are presented in the two texts but that the perspective is essentially religious in the text by the Catholic League whereas the perspective is more political in the text by the Huguenots.  


Author(s):  
Juan Ramón Ballesteros Sánchez

Resumen: El capítulo estudia varios textos con alusiones religiosas de la Historia Augusta desde una doble perspectiva. Por un lado, se describen las alusiones satíricas presentes en estos pasajes. Por otro, se reconstruye la crítica política que contienen estos mismos fragmentos. El objetivo último del trabajo es proponer una lectura coherente para el conjunto de la Historia Augusta. Se analizan varios fragmentos de la Vita Marci (13, 6), la Vita Pertinaci (1, 2-3 y 14,1-3), la Vita Di­dii Iuliani (7, 9-11), la Vita Pescennii Nigri (6, 5-8), la Vita Heliogabali (5, 4-5; 6, 4-5 y 28, 2) y la Vita Alexandri Severi (49, 6) para los que el autor proporciona traducciones originales. La lectura de estos textos permi­te definir el registro historiográfico y la per­sonalidad crítica del esquivo y pícaro autor de la colección de biografías imperiales de los siglos II y III d.C.Abstract: The chapter studies several texts of re­ligious content from the Historia Augusta using a double point of view. On the one hand, are described the satirical allusions present in these passages. On the other, the political criticism contained in these frag­ments is reconstructed. The ultimate goal of this text is to propose a coherent read­ing for the whole of the Historia Augusta. Several fragments of the Vita Marci (13, 6), the Vita Pertinaci (1, 2-3 y 14,1-3), the Vita Didii Iuliani (7, 9-11), the Vita Pescennii Nigri (6, 5-8), the Vita Heliogabali (5, 4-5; 6, 4-5 y 28, 2) and the Vita Alexandri Severi (49, 6) are analyzed throughout the text. The autor provides original translations of all of them. The reading of this corpus allows to define the historiographic record and the critical personality of the elusive and naughty author of the fundamental col­lection of imperial biographies from the II and III century AD.Palabras clave: Historia Augusta, sátira política, religión romana.Key words: Historia Augusta, political satire, Roman religión.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 01163
Author(s):  
Tatiana Vedernikova ◽  
Natalia Shchurik ◽  
Evgenia Kunitsyna

The problem of translation used for geopolitical agenda, translation as a means of mind manipulation has long been of substantial interest to translation scholars. This article focuses on conscious and unconscious types of manipulation in translation and aims to show their manifestation in political discourse. On the one hand, nominalizations, euphemisms, politically correct vocabulary and metaphors make a translator or an interpreter choose between multiple interpretations. It brings him/her to unconscious choice. On the other hand, translators sometimes deliberately omit some parts of the text or change the order of the original. It means that a translator/interpreter consciously makes this or that decision concerning what part or parts of the source text are ideologically relevant and should be brought into “due” perspective in translation and which are to be left out, and is therefore instrumental in shaping public opinion.


1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Stark

AbstractRecently, students of public policy making in North America have added the analysis of “political discourse” to the tools of their trade. According to the “political discourse” school, the extent to which policy ideas gain acceptability cannot always be explained rationally in terms of their logical or empirical validity, nor instrumentally in terms of the interests they serve. Often, their careers must be accounted for, at least in part, by a detailed exploration of their ideological assumptions and appeal, and their rhetorical structure and persuasiveness. Despite its many plausible and promising features, this type of analysis has, to date, rarely been performed in specific instances of policy discourse. The author presents a “political-discourse” analysis of the 1985–1988 debate over Canada's Bill C-82, “An Act Respecting the Registration of Lobbyists.” That debate brought together some of Canada's most factually informed and instrumentally motivated policy actors. Nevertheless, the participants uniformly based their arguments on broad assumptions unsubstantiated by empirical analysis, and advanced those arguments in the rhetoric of the public good and democratic theory. The author concludes that underlying the two basic positions taken in debate over C-82—support for a regime of substantial disclosure of lobbying activity on the one hand, and opposition to disclosure on the other—were two competing sets of assumptions concerning the nature and workings of the faculties of reason and perception in politics.


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